"DANITES"

In its earliest days the Mormon Church has found itself outside the mainstream of religious, social and political thought. Because so many found Joseph Smith's life and message so controversial he and the following nineteenth century generation of leaders felt the need for more "security" forces than usually associated with religious denominations. The Danites were formed in Missouri where the Church had some tragic experience. This research will examine those early roots as well as the later history and development of this group in Nauvoo and Salt Lake City. Because not everyone interprets the evidence the same way this research will take large quotations from modern sources that Mormons trust like the Encyclopedia on Mormonism, the History of the Church by Joseph Smith, and the Comprehensive History of the Church by B. H. Roberts. These articles will include their own notes and bibliographies. Another important source that will be included are official documentation from government inquiries. Also included will be full articles from Mormon apologists. A final source are copies of the Nauvoo Expositor which many historians say led to Joseph Smith's death.

HISTORICAL CONTEXT

JOSEPH SMITH MOVE TO FAR WEST MISSOURI 1838

The Church had already been forcibly removed from Independence Missouri in 1833. Many forceful revelations had ensured the safety of "Zion" in those years but the citizens chose to evict their Mormon neighbors. To add to the Mormon disappointment came the failure of Zions camp between 1833 to 1834 to fulfill what Joseph Smith had predicted. Not only didn't the camp end as predicted it suffered a deadly outbreak of cholera. Back in Kirtland Ohio Joseph Smith was not finding success either. Joseph started his own bank there which he called the Kirtland Safety Society in 1836. With no federal or state approval they began printing their own currency. In 1837 this bank failed and with it the remaining good feelings of the other citizens in Ohio. In a cloud of legal difficulties Joseph traveled to Far West Missouri in January 1838 in what Church historian and prophet Joseph Fielding Smith called a "flight." Here are the names of some of the "faithful" who did not leave the Church. Sidney Rigdon, Hyrum Smith, Thomas Marsh, William McLellin, Lyman Johnson, William Smith, and William W. Phelps.

JOSEPH SMITH'S PLAN IN FAR WEST

Joseph planned to restore the united order which would have solved the financial problems of the Church because it required every member to transfer real estate, farms, business, homes, and money to the Church. As he looked around at past failures he determined his past problems were due to "enemies" of the Church both within and without who were close neighbors. Joseph planned to purge key counties of "dissenters." For Joseph Smith in 1838 a dissenter was anyone who would not transfer their property to the him. With this world view, Joseph Smith was in need of a dependable security force with the intention of carrying out the will of the "presidency."

Because this is one of the toughest periods in the history of the Church, I will include much material from both sides. First we will look at documentary evidence itself and then examine the way modern Mormon apologists interpret the data.

THEOLOGICAL CONTEXT ~ BLOOD ATONEMENT

Joseph Smith was teaching "blood atonement" at this time in the history of Mormonism. An understanding of the way this term was being used in the nineteenth century is vital to a modern understanding of the Danite movement. In debate, George A. Smith said imprisonment was better than hanging. I replied, I was opposed to hanging, even if a man kill another, I will shoot him, or cut off his head, spill his blood on the ground, and let the smoke thereof ascend up to God; and if ever I have the privilege of making a law on that subject, I will have it so." [History of the Church, Vol.5, Ch.16, p.296; cf. B. H. Roberts, Comprehensive History of the Church, Vol.4, Ch.99, p.129] This early teaching from Joseph energized future nineteenth century prophets like Brigham Young. "There are sins that men commit for which they cannot receive forgiveness in this world, or in that which is to come, and if they had their eyes open to see their true condition, they would be perfectly willing to have their blood spilt upon the ground, that the smoke thereof might ascend to heaven as an offering for their sins; and the smoking incense would atone for their sins, whereas, if such is not the case, they will stick to them and remain upon them in the spirit world." [Journal of Discourses, Vol.4, p.53, Brigham Young, September 21, 1856] The idea of blood atonement is central to the Mormon temple endowment language prior to 1990. The 10th president of the Church, Joseph Fielding Smith said in the twentieth century "This law, which is now the law of the State, granted unto the condemned murderer the privilege of choosing for himself whether he die by hanging, or whether he be shot, and thus have his blood shed in harmony with the Law of God; and thus atone." [Joseph Fielding Smith, Doctrines of Salvation, vol., 1, 336].

THE MISSOURI PERIOD

ENCYCLOPEDIA OF MORMONISM ~ NEED FOR PROTECTION

CHURCH LEADERS INVOLVED

"Church leaders mobilized the Caldwell County militia and prepared to protect themselves. Some members of the Danites, originally organized to assist with Latter-day Saint community development, engaged in paramilitary activity, including burning the headquarters of mobbers at Gallatin and Millport who had threatened their destruction." [Milton V. Backman, Jr., and Ronald K. Esplin, History Of The Church, Encyclopedia of Mormonism].

SPRING 1838 ORGANIZATION

One of the three witnesses to the Book of Mormon, David Whitmer, had some inside information about the history and development of the early Danites:

"In the spring of 1838, the heads of the church and many of the members had gone deep into error and blindness.... In June, 1838, at Far West, Mo., a secret organization was formed, Doctor Avard being put in as the leader of the band; a certain oath was to be administered to all the brethren to bind them to support the heads of the church in everything they should teach. All who refused to take this oath were considered dissenters from the church, and certain things were to be done concerning these dissenters, by Dr. Avard's secret band.... my persecutions, for trying to show them their errors, became or such a nature that I had to leave the Latter Day Saints;..." [An Address To All Believers In Christ, by David Whitmer, Richmond, Mo., 1887, pp. 27-28].

JUNE 1838 EXPELLING DISSENTERS CALDWELL COUNTY

"That in early June 1838 the Danites organized to expel a number of dissenters from Caldwell County. The dissenters' testimony described the various meetings and activities (such as Sidney Rigdon's "Salt Sermon") that led to the expulsion of the Cowderys, Whitmers, and others from the county. [Stephen C. LeSueur; BYU Studies Vol. 26, No. 2, pg.10].

We see Leland Gentry's research saying this June 1838 work of "expelling dissenters" as being successful. By June 19th the Danites were available for their next use.

"With the flight of the dissenters on 19 June 1838, the Danites lost their reason for existence. A new purpose had to be found to justify their continuation. The warlike threats continually breathed against the Saints by their Missouri neighbors furnished just the objective, namely, protection against mob violence. Reed Peck, present at a meeting presided over by Avard, claims that he was told that the major purpose of the Danite organization was that its members "might be more perfectly organized to defend ourselves against mobs." Sidney Rigdon later maintained that "the Danites were organized for mutual protection against the bands that were forming and threatened to be formed."Luman Andros Shurtliff, one-time member of the order, wrote that the Danite organization "was got up for our personal defense; also of our families, property, and our religion."[Leland H. Gentry, BYU Studies, Vol. 14, No. 4, p.427]

FOURTH OF JULY CELEBRATION

Joseph Smith wrote of this day, "The day was spent in celebrating the `Declaration of Independence of the United States of America,' and also by the saints making a `Declaration of Independence' from all mobs and persecutions which have been inflicted upon them, time after time, until they could bear it no longer." [History of the Chruch, 3:41].

PRESIDENT RIGDON'S 4TH OF JULY "SALT" SERMON

Most of the speeches were about Independence Day and the free institutions of our government. But he added this language on the religious freedom of the Church in Missouri.

"But from this day and this hour we will suffer it no more. We take God and all the holy angels to witness, this day, that we warn all men, in the name of Jesus Christ to come on us no more for ever, for from this hour we will bear it no more; our rights shall no more be trampled on with impunity; the man, or the set of men who attempt it do it at the expense of their lives. And that mob that comes on us to disturb us, it shall be between us and them a war of extermination; for we will follow them until the last drop of their blood is spilled; or else they will have to exterminate us, for we will carry the seat of war to their; own houses and their own families, and one party or the other shall be utterly destroyed.... We this day, then, proclaim ourselves free with a purpose and determination that never can be broken, No, never! No, never! No, never!" (Comprehensive History of the Church 1:441)

NEED IN MISSOURI Encyclopedia of Mormonism

Leland H. Gentry

Encyclopedia of Mormonism, Vol.2, MISSOURI

"But new difficulties arose. First, Sidney Rigdon publicly threatened dissenters in his June "Salt Sermon," intimating that they should leave Far West or harm would befall them. News of this threat reinforced anti-Mormon hostility throughout Missouri. Second, LDS militia officer Sampson Avard formed an underground group of vigilantes labeled Danites. Avard convinced this oathbound group that they operated with the approval of Church leaders and that they were authorized to avenge themselves against the Church's enemies, even by robbery, lying, and violence if necessary. Third, in an inflammatory Independence Day speech, Sidney Rigdon thundered out a declaration of independence from further mob violence. He warned of a war of extermination between Mormons and their enemies if they were further threatened or harassed."

OFFICIAL CHURCH HISTORY

"Avard initiated members into his band, firmly binding them, by all that was sacred, in the protecting of each other in all things that were lawful; and was careful to picture out a great glory that was then hovering over the Church, and would soon burst upon the Saints as a cloud by day, and a pillar of fire by night, and would soon unveil the slumbering mysteries of heaven, which would gladden the hearts and arouse the stupid spirits of the Saints of the latter-day, and fill their hearts with that love which is unspeakable and full of glory, and arm them with power, that the gates of hell could not prevail against them; and would often affirm to his company that the principal men of the Church had put him forward as a spokesman, and a leader of this band, which he named Danites." [History of the Church, Vol.3, Ch.13, p.179].

THREE PURPOSES FOR DANITES BYU STUDIES 1965

"The only other major interpretation was advanced by Leland Gentry, first in his 1965 dissertation and later in an article in BYU Studies. Basically Gentry argues that the Danites were real but that they went through three stages of development: (1) in June at Far West and in July at Adam-ondi-Ahman, groups were organized to specifically aid in the expulsion of dissenters from the Mormon communities; (2) from June to mid-October 1838, Danites provided protection for Mormons against mob violence, primarily a defensive movement; and (3) during October 1838, during the "Mormon War," the Danites began to steal from non-Mormons, a stage and activity justified and led by Sampson Avard." [Dean C. Jessee and David J. Whittaker; BYU Studies Vol. 28, No. 1, pg.12]

B. H. ROBERTS COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF THE CHURCH

"They have among them a company, considered true Mormons, called the `Danites,' who have taken an oath to support the heads of the church in all things that they say or do, whether right or wrong." [B. H. Roberts, Comprehensive History of the Church, Vol.1, Ch.35, p.472 - p.473].

SOME DANITES TURNED STATES EVIDENCE

SENATE DOCUMENT 189

As soon as these members agreed to testify Joseph Smith excommunicated them. From this time forward these key leaders are always depicted as apostates.

COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF THE CHURCH

The testimony which was most effective in holding these men to investigation before grand juries was the sworn statements of apostates--Dr. Sampson Avard, John Corrill, Reed Peck, W. W. Phelps, George M. Hinkle, John Whitmer, Burr Riggs, and other less prominent. It is in this testimony and principally in the statement of Dr. Avard, that the existence of the "Danites" in the "Mormon" church is affirmed. Avard declared that about four months before the date of his testimony,--which would be in the month of July, 1838--"a band called the `Daughter of Zion' (afterwards called the `Danite Band'), was formed of the members of the Mormon church, the original object of which was to drive from the county of Caldwell all those who dissented from the Mormon church; in which they succeeded admirably and to the satisfaction of all concerned."

[B. H. Roberts, Comprehensive History of the Church, Vol.1, Ch.36, p.501].

DR. SAMSON AVARD

DANITE LEADER TESTIMONY

Sampson Avard, a witness, produced, sworn, and examined, in behalf of the state, deposeth and saith:--

That about four months since, a band called the Daughters of Zion, (since called the Danite band,) was formed of the members of the Mormon church, the original object of which was to drive from the county of Caldwell all those who dissented from the Mormon church; in which they succeeded admirably, and to the satisfaction of all concerned. I consider Joseph Smith, jr., as the prime mover and organizer of this band.

The officers of the band, according to their grades, were brought before him, at a school house, together with Hiram Smith and Sidney Rigdon; the three composing the first presidency of the whole church.

It was stated by Joseph Smith, jr., that it was necessary this band should be bound together by a covenant, that those who revealed the secrets of the society should be put to death.

COVENANT TAKEN BY DANITES

The covenant taken by all the Danite band was as follows, to wit: They declared, holding up their right hand, "In the name of Jesus Christ, the Son of God, I do solemnly obligate myself ever to conceal and never to reveal the secret purposes of this society, called the Daughters of Zion. Should I ever do the same, I hold my life as the forfeiture."

The prophet Joseph Smith, jr., together with his two counsellors, (Hiram Smith and Sidney Rigdon,) were considered as the supreme head of the church; and the Danite band feel themselves as much bound to obey them as to obey the Supreme God.

Instruction was given by Joseph Smith, jr., that if any of them should get into difficulty, the rest should help him out; and that they should stand by each other, right or wrong.

This instruction was given at a Danite meeting, in a public address.

As for Joseph Smith, jr., and his two counsellors, the witness does not know they ever took the Danite oath.

He knows that all the rest of the defendants are Danites, except Sidney Tanner. Andrew Whitlocj, Zedekiah Owens, Thomas Rich, John L. Tanner, Daniel S. Thomas, David Pettigrew, George Kimble, Anthony Head, Benjamin Jones, and Norman Shearer.

DAVIES COUNTY ELECTION WORK
At the election last August, a report came to Far West that some of the brethren in Daviess county were killed. I called for twenty volunteers to accompany me to see into this matter. I went; and about one hundred and twenty Mormons accompanied me to Adam on Diahmon -- Mr. Joseph Smith, jr., in company.

When I arrived there, I found the report exaggerated. None were killed.

We visited Mr. Adam Black -- about 150 or 200 men of us armed. Joseph Smith was commander; and if Black had not signed the paper he did, it was common understanding and belief that he would have shared the fate of the dissenters Sidney Rigdon and Lyman Wight were at Adam when we went to Black, and advised the movement.

As regards the affair at De Witt, I know little personally; but I heard Mr. S. Rigdon say they had gone down to DeWitt, where it was said a mob had collected to wage war upon the Mormons residing in Carroll county; and that Joseph Smith, jr., with his friends went down to De Witt to give aid and help to his brethren.

The company, as I presume, were armed. They returned armed. Hiram Smith and Geirge W. Robinson were in the company. Amasa Lyman went to see what was going on. He heard these persons say they were in Hinkle's camp (at De Witt) several days.

When the Mormons returned from De Witt, it was rumored that a mob was collecting in Daviess county. Joseph Smith, jr., the Sunday before the late disturbances in Daviess, at a church meeting, gave notice that he wished the whole county collected on the next day (Monday) at Far West. He declared (on Sunday or Monday -- I don't recollect which) that all who did not take up arms in defence of the Mormons of Daviess should be considered as tories, and should take their exit from the country.

At the meeting on Monday, when persons met from all parts of the county of Caldwell, Joseph Smith, jr., took the pulpit, and delivered an address, in which he said that we had been an injured people, driven violently from Jackson county; that we had appealed to the Governor, magistrates, judges, and even to the President of the United States, and there had been no redress for us; and that now a mob was about to destroy the rights of our brethren of Daviess county, and that it was high time that we should take measures to defend our own rights.

In the address he related an anecdote about a captain who applied to a Dutchman to purchase potatoes, who refused to sell. The captain then charged his company several different times, not to touch the Dutchman's potatoes. In the morning the Dutchman had not a potatoe left in his patch. This was in reference to touching no property in our expedition to Daviess county that did not belong to us, but he told us that the children of God did bot go to war at their own expense.

A vote was taken whether the brethren should embody and go down to Daviess to attack the mob. This question was put by the prophet. Joseph Smith, jr., and passed unanimously, with a few exceptions. Captains Patten and Brunson were appointed commanders of the Mormons, by Joseph Smith, jr., to go to Daviess. He frequently called these men generals.

I once had a command as an officer, but Joseph Smith, jr., removed me from it, and I asked him the reason, and he assigned that he had another office for me. Afterwards Mr. Rigdon told me I was to fill the office of surgeon, to attend to the sick and wounded.

After we arrived at Diahmon in Daviess, a council was held at night, composed of Joseph Smith, jr., George W. Robinson, Hiram Smith, Captains Patten and Brunson, Lyman Wight, President R. Cahoon. P. P. Pratt, and myself, and perhaps Mr. Hinkle.

President Rigdon was not present. He remained at Far West; a correspondence was kept up between him and Joseph Smith, jr. I heard Mr. Rigdon read one of the letters from Smith, which, as I remember, was about as follows; That he knew, from prophecy and from the revelation of Jesus Christ, that the enemies of the kingdom were in their hands; and that they (the Mormon church) should succeed. Rigdon, on reading the letter, said it gave him great consolation to have such authority that the kingdom of God was rolling on.

In the above referred to council, Mr. Smith spoke of the grievances we had suffered in Jackson, Clay, Kirtland, and other places; declared that we must, in future, stand up for our rights as citizens of the United States, and as saints of the most high Gof; and that it was the will of Gof we should do so; that we should be free and independent, and that as the State of Missouri, and the United States, would not protect us, it was high time that we should be up, as the saints of the most high God, and protect ourselves, and take the kingdom. Lyman Wight observed, that, before the winter was over, he thought we would be in St. Louis, and take it.

Smith charged them that they should be united in supporting each other. Smith said, on some occasions, that one should chase a thousand, and two put ten thousand to flight; that he considered the United States rotten.

LDS CHURCH IS DANIEL'S LITTLE STONE

He compared the Mormon church to the little stone spoken of by the Prophet Daniel; and the dissenters first, and the State next, was part of the image that should be destroyed by this little stone.

The council was called on to vote the measures of Smith; which they did unanimously. On the next day Captain Patten (who was called by the prophet Captain Fearnaught) took command of about one hundred armed men, and told them that he had a job for them to do, and that the work of the Lord was rolling on, and they must be united.

He then led the troops to Gallatin, saying he was going to attack the mob there. He made a rush into Gallatin, dispersed the few men there, and took the goods out of Strolling's store, and carried them to Diahmon, and I afterwards saw the storehouse on fire.

When we returned to Diahmon, the goods were deposited in the Lord's storehouse, under the care of Bishop Vincent Knight. Orders were strictly given that all the goods should he deposited in the Lord's storehouse.

No individuals were to appropriate any thing to themselves until a general distribution should be made. Joseph Smith, jr., was at Adam on Diahmon, giving directions about things in general connected with the war. When Patten returned from Gallatin to Adam on Diahmon, the goods were divided or apportioned out among those engaged; and these affairs were conducted under the superintendence of the first presidency.

A part of the goods were brought to Far West. On their arrival, under the care of Captain Fearnaught, President Rigdon shouted three hosannahs to the victors. On the day Patten went to Gallatin, Colonel Wight went to Millport, as I understood. I saw a great many cattle, beds, furniture, &c., brought into our camp by the Mormons.

After we returned to Far West, the troops were constantly kept in motion, and there was a council held at the house of President Rigdon, to determine who should be chiefs. It was determined that Colonel Wight should be commander-in-chief at Adam on Diahmon; Brunson, captain of the flying horse of Daviess; Colonel Hinkle should be commander-in-chief of the Far West troops; Captain Patten, captain of the flying horse, or cavalry; and that the prophet, Joseph Smith, jr., should be commander-in-chief of the whole kingdom.

The council was composed of Joseph Smith, jr., Captain Fearnaught, alias Patten, Colonel Hinkle, Colonel Wight, and President Rigdon. The object of the council was in furtherance of the scheme proposed in council in Daviess, referred to above.

After this council, Fearnaught disputed as to the chief command of the Far West troops, and had a smart altercation about it with Hinkle, but Smith proposed that they agree to disagree, and go on for the good of the kingdom. The troops were kept together until the militia came out lately.

SMITH PREDICTIONS OF VICTORY

There were five hundred to eight hundred men, as I should suppose, under arms. It was about this time that the militia came out lately to Far West, under General Lucas, that our prophet assembled the troops together at Far West, into a hollow square, and addressed them, and stated to them that the kingdom of God should be set up, and should never fall; and for every one we lacked in number of those who came against us, the Lord would send angels, who would fight for us; and that we should be victorious.

After the militia had been near Far West awhile, in an address, Smith said that those troops were militia, and that we were militia too, and both sides clever fellows; and he advised them to know nothing of what had happened; to say nothing; and to keep dark; that he, Smith, had forgotten more than he had ever known.

After it was ascertained that the militia had arrived, intelligence was immediately sent to Diahmon to Colonel Wight. Next morning Colonel Wight arrived in Far West with about one hundred mounted and armed men.

The troops were constantly kept prepared, and in a situation to repel attack. The evening the militia arrived near Far West, it was the general understanding in the Mormon camp that they were militia legally called out; and indeed, previous to their arrival, it was ascertained that there were militia on their way to Far West.

ORDERED TO DESTROY DOCUMENTATION

Some months ago I received orders to destroy the paper concerning the Danite Society; which order was issued by the first presidency, and which paper,, being the constitution for the government of the Danite Society, was in my custody, but which I did not destroy. It is now in General Clark's possession. I gave the paper up to General Clark after I was taken prisoner.

I found it in my house, where I had previously deposited it, and believe it never had been in any person's possession after I first received it. This paper was taken into President Rigdon's house, and read to the prophet and his councillors, and was unanimously adopted by them as their rule and guide in future. After it was thus adopted, I was instructed by the council to destroy it. as, if it should be discovered, it would be considered treasonable.

This constitution, after it was approved by the first presidency, was read, article by article, to the Danite band, and unanimously adopted by them. This paper was drawn up about the time that the Danite band was formed.

Since the drawing up of the paper against the dissenters, it was that this constitution of the Danite band was draughted; but I have no minutes of the time, as were directed not to keep written minutes; which constitution, above referred to, is as follows:

DANITE CONSTITUTION

"Whereas, in all bodies laws are necessary for the permanency, safety and well-being of society, we, the members of the society of the Daughter of Zion, do agree to regulate ourselves under such laws as, in righteousness shall be deemed necessary for the preservation of our holy religion, and of our most sacred rights, and the rights of our wives and children.

But, to be explicit on the subject, it is especially our object to support and defend the rights conferred on us by our venerable sires, who purchased them with the pledges of their lives and fortunes, and their sacred honors.

But we, not having the privileges of others allowed unto us, have determined like unto our fathers, to resist tyranny, whether it be in kings or in the people. It is all alike unto us. Our rights we must have, and our rights we shall have, in the name of Israel's God.

"ART. 1st. All power belongs originally and legitimately to the people, and they have a right to dispose of it as they shall deem fit. But as it is inconvenient and impossible to convince the people in all cases, the legislative powers have been given by them from time to time, into the hands of a representation composed of delegates from the people themselves. This is and has been the law in both civil and religious bodies, and is the true principle.

"ART. 2d. The executive power shall be vested in the president of the whole church and his counsellors.

"ART. 3d. The legislative powers shall reside in the president and his counsellors, together with the generals and colonels of the society. By them all laws shall be made regulating the society.

"ART. 4th. All offices shall be during the life and good behaviour, or to be regulated by the law of God.

"ART. 5th. The society reserves the power of electing all its officers with the exception of the aides and clerks which the officers may need in the various stations. The nomination to go from the presidency to his second, and from the second to the third in rank, and so down through all the various grades, branch or department retains the power of electing its own particular officers.

"ART.6th. Punishment shall be administered to the guilty in accordance to the offense, and no member shall be punished without law, or by any others than those appointed by law for that purpose. The Legislature shall have power to make laws regulating punishments as in their judgment shall be wisdom and righteousness.

"ART. 7th. There shall be a secretary whose business it shall be to keep all the legislative records of the society, and also to keep a register of the names of the members of the society, also the rank of the officers. He shall also communicate the laws to the generals, as directed by laws made for the regulation of such business by the Legislature.

"ART. 8th. All officers shall be subject to the commands of the Captain General given through the Secretary of War. And so all officers shall be subject to their superiors in rank, according to laws made for that purpose.

In connection with the grand scheme of the prophet, his preachers and apostles were instructed to preach and instruct their followers (who are estimated in Europe and America at about 40,000) that it was their duty to come up to the State called Far West, and to possess the kingdom; that it was the will of God they should do so; and that the Lord would give them power to possess the kingdom.

There was another writing drawn up in June last, which had for its object to get rid of the dissenters, and which had the desired effect; (this is the paper drawn up against the dissenters, referred to by the witness.)

Since that time, and since the introduction f the scheme of the prophet made known in the above constitution, I have [heard] the prophet say that it was a fortunate thing that we got rid of the dissenters, as they would have endangered the rolling on of the kingdom of God as introduced, and to be carried into effect, by the Danite band; that they, the dissenters, were great obstacles in the way; and that, unless they were removed, the aforesaid kingdom could not roll on.

SIDNEY RIGDON DOCUMENTATION

This paper against the dissenters was draughted by Sidney Rigdon, and is as follows:

"FAR WEST, June, 1838.
"To Oliver Cowdery, David Whitmer, John Whitmer, William W. Phelps, and Lyman E, Johnson, greeting:

"Whereas the citizens of Caldwell county have borne with the abuse received from you at different times, and on different occasions, until it is no longer to be endured; neither will they endure it any longer, having exhausted all the patience they have, and conceive that to bear any longer a vice instead of a virtue.

We have borne long, and suffered incredibly; but we will neither bear nor suffer any longer; and the decree has gone forth from our hearts, and shall not return to us void. Neither think, gentlemen, that, in so saying, we are trifling with either you or ourselves; for we are not.

There are no threats from you -- no fear of losing our lives by you, or by any thing you can say or do, will restrain us; for out of the county you shall go, and no power shall save you.

THREE DAY NOTICE

And you shall have three days after you receive this communication to you, including twenty-four hours in each day, for you to depart with your families peaceably; which you may do undisturbed by any person; but in that time, if you do not depart, we will use the means in our power to cause you to depart; for go you shall. We will have no more promises to reform, as you have already done, and in every instance violated your promise, and regarded not the covenant which you made, but put both it and us at defiance.

SOLEMN WARNING FATAL CALAMITY

We have solemnly warned you, and that in the most determined manner, that if you do not cease that course of wanton abuse of the citizens of this county, that vengeance would overtake you sooner or later, and that when it did come it would be as furious as the mountain torrent, and as terrible as the beating tempest; but you have affected to dispise our warnings, and pass them off with a sneer, or a grin, or a threat, and pursued your former course; and vengeance sleepeth not, neither does it slumber; and unless you heed us this time, and attend to our request, it will overtake you at an hour when you do not expect, and at a day when you do not look for it; and for you there shall be no escape; for there is but one decree for you, which is depart, depart, or a more fatal calamity shall befall you.

CRIMES DETAILED
After Oliver Cowdery had been taken by a state warrant for stealing, and the stolen property found in the house of William W. Phelps; in which nefarious transaction, John Whitmer had also participated. Oliver Cowdery stole the property, conveyed it to John Whitmer, and John Whitmer to William W. Phelps; and then the officers of law found it.

While, in the hands of an officer, and under arrest for this vile transaction, and, if possible, to hide your shame from the world, like criminals (which indeed you were), you appealed to our beloved presidents, Joseph Smith, jr. and Sidney Rigdon, men whose characters you had endeavored to destroy by every artifice you could invent, not even the basest lying excepted; and did you find them revengeful?

No; but notwithstanding all your scandalous attacks, still such was the nobleness of their character, that even vile enemies could not appeal to them in vain. They enlisted, as you well know, their influence, to save you from your just fate; and they, by their influence, delivered you out of the hands of the officer.

While you were pleading with them, you promised reformation; you bound yourselves by the most solemn promises that you would never be employed again in abusing any of the citizens of Caldwell; and by such condescensions did you attempt to escape the work house.

But now for the sequel. Did you practice the promised reformation? You know you did not; but, by secret efforts, continued to practise your iniquity, and secretly to injure their character, notwithstanding their kindness to you. Are such things to be borne?

OLIVER COWDERY DAVID WHITMER

DISGRACED THEIR TESTIMONIES

You yourselves would answer that they are insufferable, if you were to answer according to the feelings of your own hearts. As we design this paper to be published to the world, we will give an epitome of your scandalous conduct and treachery for the last two years. We wish to remind you, that Oliver Cowdery and David Whitmer were among the principal of those who were the means of gathering us to this place, by their testimony which they gave concerning the plates of the Book of Mormon, that they were shown to them by an angel, which testimony we believe, now, as much as before you had so scandalously disgraced it.

You commenced your wickedness by heading a party to disturb the worship of the saints in the first day of the week, and made the house of the Lord, in Kirtland, to be a scene of abuse and slander, to destroy the reputation of those whom the church had appointed to be their teachers, and for no other cause only that you were not the persons.

COWDERY WAS A DULY ELECTED OFFICIAL
"The saints in Kirtland, having elected Oliver Cowdery to be a justice of the peace, he used the power of that office to take their most sacred rights from them, and that contrary to law.

"He supported a parcel of blacklegs, and disturbing the worship of the saints; and when the men whom the church had chosen to preside over their meetings endeavored to put the house to order,

he helped (and by the authority of his justice's office, too) these wretches to continue their confusion; and threatened the church with a prosecution for trying to put them out of the house;

and issued writs against the saints for endeavoring to sustain their rights; and bound themselves under heavy bonds to appear before his honor; and required bonds which were both inhuman and unlawful;

and one of these was the venerable father, who had been appointed by the church to preside -- a man upwards of seventy years of age, and notorious for his peaceable habits.

OLIVER COWDERY COUNTERFEITER

LIAR THIEF

Oliver Cowdery, David Whitmer, and Lyman E. Johnson, united with a gang of counterfeiters, thieves, liars, and blacklegs of the deepest dye, to deceive, cheat, and defraud the saints out of their property,

by every art and stratagem which wickedness could invent, using the influence of the vilest persecutions to bring vexatious law suits, villainous prosecutions, and even stealing not excepted. In the midst of this career, for fear the saints would seek redress at their hands, they breathed out threatenings of mobs, and actually made attempts with their gang to bring mobs upon them.

COWDERY CHURCH GANG

Oliver Cowdery and his gang (such of them as belonged to the church) were called to an account by the church for their iniquity. They confessed repentance, and were again restored to the church; but the very first opportunity they were again practising their former course.

While this wickedness was going on in Kirtland, Cowdery and his company were writing letters to Far West, in order to destroy the character of every person that they thought was standing in their way; and John Whitmer and William W. Phelps were assisting to prepare the way to throw confusion among the saints of Far West.

During the full career of Oliver Cowdery and David Whitmer's bogus money business, it got abroad into the world that they were engaged in it, and several gentlemen were preparing to commence a prosecution against Cowdery; he, finding it out, took with him Lyman E. Johnson, and fled to Far West with their families; Cowdery stealing property, and bringing it with him, which has been, within a few weeks past, obtained by the owner, by means of a search-warrant; and he was saved from the penitentiary by the influence of two influential men of the place.

He also brought notes with him, upon which he had received pay, and made an attempt to sell them to Mr. Arthur, of Clay county. And Lyman E. Johnson, on his arrival, reported that he had a note of one thousand dollars, against a principal man of the church; when it was a palpable falsehood, and he had no such thing; and he did it for the purpose of injuring his character.

Shortly after Cowdery and Johnson left Kirtland for FarWest, they were followed by David Whitmer; on whose arrival a general system of slander and abuse was commenced by you all, for the purpose of destroying the characters of certain individuals, whose influence and strict regard for righteousness you dreaded; and not only yourselves, but your wives and children, led by yourselves, were busily engaged in it.

Neither were you content with slandering and vilifying here, but you kept up a continual correspondence with your gang of marauders in Kirtland, encouraging them to go on with their iniquity; which they did to perfection, by swearing falsely to injure the character and property of innocent men; stealing, cheating, lying; instituting vexatious lawsuits; selling bogus money, and also, stones and sand for bogus; in which nefarious business, Oliver Cowdery, David Whitmar, and Lyman E. Johnson, were engaged while you were there.

Since your arrival here, you have commenced a general system of that same kind of conduct in this place. You set up a nasty, dirty, pettifogger's office, pretending to be judges of the law, when it is a notorious fact, that you are profoundly ignorant of it, and of every other thing which is calculated to do mankind good, † or if you know it, you take good care never to practise it. And, in order to bring yourselves into notice, you began to interfere with all the business of the place, trying to destroy the character of our merchants, and bringing their creditors upon them, and break them up.

In addition to this, you stirred up men of weak minds to prosecute one another, for the vile purpose of getting a fee for pettifogging from one of them. You have also been threatening continually to enter into a general system of prosecuting, determined, as you said, to pick a flaw in the titles of those who have bought city lots and built upon them -- not that you can do any thing but cause vexatious lawsuits.

"And, amongst the most monstrous of all your abominations, we have evidence (which, when called upon, we can produce,) that letters sent to the post office in this place have been opened, read, and destroyed, and the persons to whom they were sent never obtained them; thus ruining the business of the place.

We have evidence of a very strong character, that I you are at this time engaged with a gang of counterfeiters, coiners, and blacklegs, as some of those characters have lately visited our city from Kirtland, and told what they had come for; and we know, assuredly, that if we suffer you to continue, we may expect, and that speedily, to find a general system of stealing, counterfeiting, cheating, and burning property, as in Kirtland -- for so are your associates carrying on there at this time; and that, encouraged by you, by means of letters you send continually to them; and, to crown the whole, you have had the audacity to threaten us, that, if we offered to disturb you, you would get up a mob from Clay and Ray counties.

For the insult, if nothing else, and your threatening to shoot us if we offered to molest you, we will put you from the county of Caldwell: so help us God."

The above was signed by some 84 Mormons.

PRESIDENT RIGDON'S SALT SERMON
About the time the dissenters fled, President Rigdon preached a sermon from the text, "Ye are the salt of the earth; but if the salt hath lost its savor, wherewith shall it be salted? It is thenceforth good for nothing, but to be cast out, and be trodden under foot of men" -- commonly called the salt sermon; in which the dissenters were called the salt that had lost its savor, and that they should be trampled upon and driven out by the saints; which was well understood by the Danites to be part of their duty to do.

When General Lucas's men marched up to Far West, Smith told me, as I understood him, that he had said it to one of the militia captains not to come any farther, as he might get into danger. Smith, after erecting his bulworks, (the night after General Lucas arrived,) asked me if I did not think him pretty much of a general; and I answered in the affirmative. We were advised, all the time, to fight valiantly, and that the angels of the Lord would appear in our defence and fight our battles.

In reference to Bogart's battle, I know but little, personally, as to the start of the troops to fight Bogart. I was called upon to go along with the company (which was commanded by Patten) as surgeon. This was about mid-night; but as I thought a little sleep would do me more good than fighting, I remained at home. In the morning of the fight, about 6 o'clock, I was called upon by a Mr. Emmett, who informed me that Captain Fearnaught was wpunded mortally. I went to Patten, about three miles from the battle-ground, where I found Jos. Smith, jr., present, laying hands on the wounds, and blessing them to heal them. A Mr. O'Bannion was also mortally wounded. I heard the following of the prisoners say he was present in the fight, to wit: Norman Shearer --

REMAINDER OF DR. AVARD'S TESTIMONY

I never heard Hiram Smith make any inflamatory remarks...

GEORGE HINKLE'S TESTIMONY

George M. Hinkle, a witness for the State, produced, sworn and examined, deposeth and saith:

I was in Far West when the last Mormon expedition went to Daviess county. We heard of a great number of men gathering in Daviess, (mob;) I went down without being attached to any company, or without having any command; I found there were no troops (mob) gathered there.

The Mormon forces consisted of about three hundred, as I suppose; they were engaged in scouting parties; some, it is said, went to Gallatin, and much mysterious was had in camp about goods, and that they were much cheaper than in New York. This last remark was made by Parley P. Pratt. I saw goods of various kinds; but know not from whence they came. It was a common talk in camps that the mob were burning their own houses and fleeing off

There was much mysterious conversation in camps, as to plundering and house-burning; so much so, that I had my own notions about it; and, on one occasion, I spoke to Mr. Smith, jr., in the house, and told him that this course of burning houses and plundering, by the Mormon troops, would ruin us; that it could not be kept hid, and would bring the force of the State upon us; that houses would be searched, and stolen property found.

Smith replied to me, in a pretty rough manner, to keep still; that I should say nothing about it; that it would discourage the men; and he would not suffer me to say any thing about it...

SAW A GREAT DEAL OF PLUNDER
I saw a great deal of plunder and bee-stands brought into camp; and I saw many persons, for many days, taking the honey out of them; I understood this property and plunder were placed into the hands of the Bishop at Diahmon, named Vincent Knight, to be divided out among them, as their wants might require.

JOSEPH SMITH INSPECTED ALL PLUNDER
There were a number of horses and cattle drove in; also, hogs hauled in dead with the hair on; but whose they were, I know not. They were generally called consecrated property. I think it was the day Gallatin was attacked. I saw Colonel Wright [sic] start off with troops, as was said, to Millport; all this seemed to be done under the inspection of Joseph Smith, jr. I saw Wright, when he returned; the troops from Gallatin returned about the same time; and I heard Smith find fault with Wright for not being as resolute as to serve Millport as they had served Gallatin; this was remarked to me alone. [end of testimony]

THOMAS MARSH TESTIMONY

Corroborated Avard's Testimony

The chief points in the affidavit of Thomas B. Marsh, referred to in the text, are as follows [History of the Church, Vol.3, p.167, Footnotes]:

"They have among them a company, considered true Mormons, called the Danites, who have taken an oath to support the heads of the Church in all things that they say or do, whether right or wrong. Many, however, of this band are much dissatisfied with this oath, as being against moral and religious principles.

On Saturday last, I am informed by the Mormons, that they had a meeting at Far West, at which they appointed a company of twelve, by the name of the 'Destruction Company,' for the purpose of burning and destroying, and that if the people of Buncombe came to do mischief upon the people of Caldwell, and committed depredations upon the Mormons, they were to burn Buncombe; and if the people of Clay and Ray made any movement against them, this destroying company were to burn Liberty and Richmond. * * * *

The Prophet inculcates the notion, and it is believed by every true Mormon, that Smith's prophecies are superior to the laws of the land. I have heard the Prophet say that he would yet tread down his enemies, and walk over their dead bodies; and if he was not let alone, he would be a second Mohammed to this generation, and that he would make it one gore of blood from the Rocky mountains to the Atlantic ocean; that like Mohammed, whose motto in treating for peace was, 'the Alcoran or the Sword.' So should it be eventually with us, 'Joseph Smith of the Sword.'

These last statements were made during the last summer. The number of armed men at Adam-ondi-Ahman was between three and four hundred.

"THOMAS B. MARSH

"Sworn to and subscribed before me, the day herein written.

"HENRY JACOBS,

"J. P. Ray county, Missouri.

"Richmond, Missouri, October 24, 1838."

"AFFIDAVIT OF ORSON HYDE.

"The most of the statements in the foregoing disclosure I know to be true; the remainder I believe to be true.

"ORSON HYDE.

"Richmond, October 24, 1838.

"Sworn to and subscribed before me, on the day above written.

"HENRY JACOBS, J. P."

http://olivercowdery.com/smithhome/1838Sent.htm#pg01b 3/12/03 7:09 AM

ORSON HYDE TESTIMONY

Corroborated Avard's Testimony

"The most of the statements in the foregoing disclosure I know to be true; the remainder I believe to be true."

JOHN CORRILL TESTIMONY

Corroborated Avard's Testimony

Like Avard and Marsh, Corrill testified for the state turning states evidence against his brother Danites:

"President Rigdon last summer preached a sermon commonly called the Salt sermon, which seemed to have for its object to produce a feeling among the people to get rid of the dissenters, for crimes alleged, and because they disagreed with them…. I was afterwards invited to one of these meetings, where an oath, in substance the same as testified by Dr. Avard, was administered…. I took exceptions only to the teaching as to the duties of that society, wherin it was said, if one brother got into any kind of a difficulty, it was the duty of the rest to help him out, right or wrong.

At the second, or at least the last meeting I attended, the presidency, [to wit: Joseph Smith, jr., Hiram Smith, and Sidney Rigdon,] and also George W. Robinson, was there. There was at this meeting a ceremony introducing the officers of the society to the presidency, who pronounced a blessing on each of them, as introduced exhorting to faithfulness in their calling, and they should have blessings.

After this, President Smith got up… he observed to the people that they should obey the presidency, and, if the presidency led them astray they might destroy them. In the last, or in some public meeting, Joseph Smith jr., said: if the people would let us alone, we would preach the gospel to them in peace; but, if they came on us to molest us, we would establish our religion by the sword; and that he would become to this generation a second Mahomet.

About April last, I heard Joseph Smith jr., and President Rigdon [who appeared to be vexed, on account of trouble and lawsuits they had had] say that they would suffer vexatious lawsuits no longer, and that they would resist even an officer in the discharge of his duty….

On Monday, Joseph Smith, jr., made a speech; and some resolutions were passed, purporting that those persons who would not engage in their undertaking, their property should be confiscated to the use of those who did engage in their undertaking.

On Sunday, Joseph Smith, jr., in his discourse spoke of persons taking, at some times, what at other times, would be wrong to take; and gave an example the case of David eating the shewbread, and also of the Saviour and his Apostles plucking the ears of corn and eating, as they passed through the cornfield…. It was my understanding that Dr. Avard's teaching in the Danite society proceeded from the presidency." [Senate Document, 189]

JOHN CORRILL CORROBORATED MARSH AND AVARD

In all areas of importance John Corrill agrees with previous testimonies.

JOHN CLEMINSON'S TESTIMONY

Corroborated Avard's Testimony

John Cleminson also agreed to testify for the state.

"Sometime last June, I attended two or three Danite meetings; and it was taught there, as a part of the duty of the band, that they should support the presidency in all their designs, right or wrong; that whatever they said was to be obeyed, and whoever opposed the presidency in what they said, or desired done, should be expelled from the county, or have their lives taken.

"The three composing the presidency was at one of those meetings; and to satisfy the people, Dr. Avard called on Joseph Smith, jr., who gave them a pledge, that if they led them into a difficulty he would give them his head for a football, and that it was the will of God these things should be so. The teacher and active agent of th society was Dr. Avard, and his teachings were approved of by the presidency. Dr. Avard further taught as a part of their obligation, that if any one betrayed the secret designs of the society, they should be killed and laid aside, and nothing said about it.

"…When process was filed against Joseph Smith and others, in my office as clerk of Caldwell circuit court, for trespass, Joseph Smith, jr., told me not to issue that writ; that he did not intend to submit to it; … knowing the regulation of the Danite band….

"When we first went to Davies, I understood the object to be to drive out the mob, if one should be collected there; but when we got there, we found none. I then learned the object wsa, from those who were actively engaged in the matter, to dive out all the citizens of Daviess and get possession of their property…. It was frequenty observed among the troops, that the time had come when the riches of the Gentiles should be consecrated to the Saints." [Senate Document, 189, 15-16]

As we study the language of Cleminson's statement that he was in fundamental agreement with Avard, Marsh and Corrill.

JOHN HINCKLE'S TESTIMONY

Corroborated Avard's Testimony

"There was much mysterious conversation in camps, as in plundering, and house-burning; so much so, that I had my own notions about it; and, on one occasion, I spoke to Mr. Smith, jr., in the house, and told him that this course of burning houses and plundering, by the Mormon troops, would ruin us; that it could not be kept hid, and would bring the force of the State upon us; that houses would be searched, and stolen property found.

"Smith replied to m, in a pretty rough manner to keep still: that I should say nothing about it; that it would discourage the men; and he would no suffer me to say any thing about it….

"I saw a great deal of plunder and bee-steads brought into the camp; and I saw many persons, for many days, taking the honey out of them; I understood this property and plunder were placed into the hands of the bishop at Diahmon, …

"The general teachings of the presidency were, that the kingdom they were setting up was a temporal kingdom;… Until lately, the teachings of the church appeared to be peaceable,… but lately a different idea has been advanced - that the time had come when this kingdom was to be set up by forcible means, if necessary. It was taught that the time had come when the riches of the Gentiles were to be consecrated to the true Israel.

"This thing of taking property was considered a fulfillment of the above prophecy…. Joseph Smith, jr., made a speech to the troops who were called together, in which he said: That the troops which were gathering through the country were a damned mob; that he had tried to please them long enough; but, as to keeping the law of Missouri any longer, he did not intend to do so.

"That the whole state was a mob set; and that, if they came to fight him, he would play hell with their apple-carts…. While the last expedition was in progress in Davies county, a portion of the troops returned to Far West,… Rigdon … held in his hand a letter from Joseph Smith, jr., in Daviess county, in which, he said, there was a profound secret, and the boys who were present were sent away. The letter, as near as I can recollect it, was as follows: That our enemies were now delivered into our hands, and that wee should have victory over them in every instance. The letter stated that, in the name of Jesus Christ, he knew this by the spirit of prophecy…." [Senate Document, 189, 21-25]

As we study Hinckle's testimony, he was in agreement with the rest of the Danite band who chose to speak.

BURR RIGGS TESTIMONY

Corroborated Avard's Testimony

"In the latter part of June last, immediately after the witness and Cowdery left Far West, I fell into company with Joseph Smith, jr., and Geo. W. Robinson. Joseph Smith, jr., said there were certain men using their influence against the proceedings of the presidency, and if they were suffered to go on they would do great injury. And Smith told Robinson, the first man he heard speaking against the presidency, and against the their proceedings, he must tie him up and give him thirty-nine lashes; and if that will not do, give him thirty-nine more until he was sorry for what he had said; and Robinson said he would do it….

Two or three days before the surrender of the Mormons to the militia at Far West, I heard Jos. Smith, jr., say that the sword was now unsheathed, and should nt again be sheathed until he could go through these United States, and live in any county he pleased peaceably, … there was a meeting in Far West, in which Mr. Sidney Rigdon presided. There were present about 60 or 100 men… Mr. Rigdon said that the last man had run away from Far West that was going to; that the next man who started he should be pursued and brought back, dead or alive.

"This was put to a vote, and agreed to, without any one objecting o it. He further said, that one had slipped his wind yesterday, and had been thrown aside into the brush for the buzzards to pick, and the first man who lisped it should die." [Senate Document, 189, 30].

Rigg's testimony agreed with everyone on the key points.

JESSE KELLY'S TESTIMONY

Corroborated Avard's Testimony

"The captain asked us if we belonged to the mob, and we replied not;… the captain then said, if we did not wish to fight them, we must leave the State; for we intend said he, after we get possession of Daviess, to take Livingston; and before they stopped, they intended to have the State." [Senate Document 189, 32]

Kelly's testimony agreed with everyone on the key points.

JOHN WHITMER'S TESTIMONY

Corroborated Avard's Testimony

John Whitmer's testimony is important since he was one of the witnesses to the coming forth of the Book of Mormon. This language is important for all who trust his claims about the character of the Book of Mormon.

"About the 17th of April last, … Joseph Smith, jr., spoke in reference to difficulties they had, and their persecutions, &c., in and out of the church. Mr. Smith said he did not intend in the future to have any process served on him, and the officer who attempted it should die; that any person who spoke or acted against the presidency of the church, should leave the country or die; that he would suffer no such to remain there; that they would lose their head. George W. Harris, …observed, the head of their influence, I suppose. Smith replied, Yes, he should so modify it. Mr. Rigdon… in speaking of the head of their shoulders, called the head, and that they should be followed to the ends of the earth. Mr. Rigdon further remarked, that he would suffer no process of law to be served on him hereafter.

"Some time in June, after Mr. Rigdon had preached his 'salt sermon,' I held conversation with several Mormons on the subject of that sermon, …I also conversed with George W. Robinson, …I told him I thought it was contrary to the laws of the land to drive men from their homes; to which he replied, such things had been done of old, and that the gatherings of the saints must continue, and that dissenters could not live among them in peace.

"I also conversed with Mr. J. Smith, jr., on this subject. I told him I wished to allay the [then] excitement, as far as I could do it. He said the excitement was very high, and he did not know what would allay it; but remarked, he would give his opinion, which was, that if I would put my property into the hands of the bishop and high council, to be disposed of according to the laws of the church, he thought that would allay it, and that the church after a while might have confidence in me. I replied to him, I wished to control my own property. In telling Mr. Smith that I wished to be governed by the laws of the land, he answered, Now, you wish to pin me down to the law. And further, this deponent saith not." [Senate Document, 189, 32-33]

HISTORICAL CONTEXT BEHIND WHITMER'S TESTIMONY

Whitmer's testimony placed this entire series of events into context historically. Whitmer had, in the past entrusted property and money into the Church with no success. This was the real crime of all the "dissenters." They were not so much in rebellion to the Book of Mormon or other revelations but their eyes had been opened personally that they were ill advised to trust their financial lives with Joseph Smith.

W. W. PHELP'S TESTIMONY

Corroborated Avard's Testimony

"As early as April last, at a meeting in Far West … Mr. Rigdon arose, and made an address to them, in which he spoke of having borne persecutions, and law-suits, and other privations, and did not intend to bear them any longer; that they meant to resist the law, and, if a sheriff came after them with writs, they would kill him; and, if anybody opposed them, they would take off their head. …In the forepart of July, I being one of the justices of the county court, was forbid by Joseph Smith, jr., from issuing any process against him. …A few days before the 4th of July last, I heard D. W. Patten [known by the fictitious name of Captain Fearnaught] say that Rigdon was writing a declaration, to declare the church independent, I remarked to him, I thought such a thing treasonable - to set up a government within a Government. He answered, it would not be treasonable if they would maintain it, or fight till they died. .…

"I was at the meeting the Monday before the last expedition to Daviess, … Joseph Smith, jr., I think it was, who addressed the meeting, and said, in substance, that they were then about to go to war in Daviess county; that those persons who had not turned out, their property should be taken to maintain the war. …Joseph Smith, jr., … said it was necessary to take spoils to live on. …

"I went on to Diahmon a few days after the Mormon troops had gone out. I went to the tavern, late at night, where I found Joseph Smith, jr., Hiram Smith, and other…. Wight asked J. Smith, twice, if he had come to the point now to resist the law; that he wanted this matter now distinctly understood. … Smith replied, the time had come when when he would resist all law. …I heard J. Smith remark, there was a store in Gallatin, an a grocery at Millport; and in the morning after the conversation between Smith and Wight about resisting the law, a plan of operations was agreed on, which was: that Captain Fearnaught, who was present, should take a company of 100 men, or more, and go to Gallatin, bring them to Diahmon, and burn the store. …I saw Lyman Wight parade a horse company, and start off with it towards Millport. I also saw a foot company the same day go off.

"On the same day, in the evening, I saw both these companies return; the foot company had some plunder, … I was invited to a school-house, … A guard was placed around the house, and one at the door.

"Mr. Rigdon then commenced making covenants, with uplifting hands. The first was, that, if any man attempted to move out of the county, or pack their things for that purpose, that any man then in the house, seeing this, without saying any thing to any other person, should kill him, and haul him aside into the brush; and that all the burial he should have should be in a turkey buzzard's guts, so that nothing of him should be left but his bones.

"That measure was carried off in the form of a covenant, with uplifted hands. After the vote had passed, he said, Now see if any one dare vote against it, and called for the negative vote; and there was none.

"The next covenant, that, if any persons from the surrounding country came into their town, walking about - no odds who he might be - any one of that meeting should kill him, and throw him aside into the brush. This passed in a manner as the above had passed.

"The third covenant was, conceal all these things. Mr. Rigdon then observed that the kingdom of heaven had no secrets; that yesterday a man had slipped his wind, and was dragged into the hazel brush; and, said he, the man who lisps it shall die." [Senate Document 189, 43-46]

1992 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF MORMONISM ~ "DANITES"

DANITES

David J. Whittaker, Encyclopedia of Mormonism

Following the violence in northwestern Missouri in 1838, the Mormon dissident Sampson Avard, star witness in a court of inquiry weighing evidence against LDS leaders, charged that the Church had organized a band of armed men bound by secret oaths who had engaged in illegal activities against non-Mormon neighbors (Document, pp. 97-108). With the 1841 publication of the court proceedings, Avard's account became the foundation for all subsequent non-Mormon "Danite" accounts. Thus was born the legend of the Danites.

Though no Danite organization was known in Nauvoo or in Utah, the stereotype persisted, becoming a part of national discussion about Utah and the Latter-day Saints and for decades a staple of dime novels (see Mormons, Image of: in Fiction). By 1900 at least fifty novels had been published in English using the Avard-type Danite to develop story lines of murder, pillage, and conspiracy against common citizens. Arthur Conan Doyle (A Study in Scarlet) created Sherlock Holmes to solve a murder committed by Danites. Zane Grey (Riders of the Purple Sage) and Robert Louis Stevenson (The Dynamiter) were among the authors who found the image of the evil Danites well suited for popular reading audiences who delighted in sensationalism (Cornwall and Arrington). The image became so pervasive that few readers were willing to question the accuracy of such portrayals.

The reality of Danites in Missouri in 1838 is both less and more than the stereotype. Contemporary records suggest something fundamentally different. In October 1838, Albert Perry Rockwood, an LDS resident of Far West, Missouri, wrote in his journal of a public Danite organization that involved the whole Latter-day Saint community. He described in biblical terms companies of tens, fifties, and hundreds (cf. Ex. 18:13-26)—similar to the organization the pioneers later used during the migration to the Great Basin. Here the Danite organization encompassed the full range of activities of a covenant community that viewed itself as a restoration of ancient Israel. Working in groups, with some assigned to defense, others to securing provisions, and still others to constructing dwellings, these Danites served the interests of the whole. This was not the secret organization Avard spoke of; in fact, Rockwood's letters to friends and family were even more descriptive than his journal (Jessee and Whittaker).

In the fall of 1838, with old settlers in Missouri swearing to drive the Mormons out rather than permit them to become a political majority and with LDS leaders declaring that they would fight before again seeing their rights trampled, northwestern Missouri was in a state of war (see Missouri Conflict). Sparked by an effort to prevent LDS voting, violence erupted in August and soon spread. On both sides, skirmishes involved members of state-authorized militias. Evidence suggests that during this time of fear, clashes, and confusion, Sampson Avard, probably a captain within the public Danite structure and a militia officer, subverted the ideals of both by persuading his men to undertake the criminal activities he later argued were the authorized actions of the whole community. Encouraged perhaps by the firmly stated intentions of leaders to meet force with force but apparently without their approval, Avard used his Danite and military positions to mold a covert renegade band to avenge anti-Mormon outrages. He succeeded because after weeks of responding to violence with strictly defensive measures, Avard was not alone in feeling that the time for forbearance had passed. Others of the time in late reminiscences recalled that clandestine meetings were held, which were subsequently reported to Joseph Smith, who then denounced Avard, removed him from his official command, and disbanded the maverick body. Though short-lived and unauthorized, this covert organization, thanks to Avard's distorted and widely publicized testimony, usurped the former usage of "Danites," and the once honorable appellation became a synonym for officially sanctioned secret lawlessness.

In contrast, when five hundred men in the Caldwell County (Mormon) militia later took the offensive in response to two months of unrelenting violence and depredations, there was nothing secretive about it. In mid-October, with supplies running low, they left defensive positions to forage and to punish enemies—a very public effort to improve security by preemptive forays. Two weeks later, facing increasing numbers of volunteers and a militia emboldened by the governor's Extermination Order, they surrendered their arms in defeat.

The reality, then, behind the supposed secretive, lawless Danites of legend was this renegade band formed briefly in 1838 in the midst of war. There is no evidence of any such band later, and even in 1838, the Latter-day Saint community as a whole did not deserve blame for the unauthorized actions of a few. As Parley P. Pratt, an apostle, wrote to his family after hearing Avard's court testimony, "They accuse us of things that never entered into our hearts." From Liberty Jail on December 16, 1838, Joseph Smith summarized the situation as he then understood it: "We have learned also since we have been in prison that many false and pernicious things which were calculated to lead the saints far astray and to do great injury have been taught by Dr. Avard as coming from the Presidency…which the presidency never knew of being taught in the church by any body untill after they were made prisoners…the presidency were ignorant as well as innocent of these things" (PWJS, p. 380).

Unfortunately, in an age when Latter-day Saints were hated and persecuted, Avard's story provided a ready explanation for anyone who wanted to believe the worst. The reality was far less sensational.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Cornwall, Rebecca Foster, and Leonard J. Arrington. "Perpetuation of a Myth: Mormon Danites in Five Western Novels, 1840-90." BYU Studies 23 (Spring 1983):147-65.

Document Containing the Correspondence, Orders, Etc. in Relation to the Disturbances with the Mormons; and the Evidence Given before the Hon. Austin A. King. Fayette, Mo., 1841.

Gentry, Leland H. "The Danite Band of 1838." BYU Studies 14 (Summer 1974):421-50.

Jessee, Dean C., and David J. Whittaker, eds. "The Last Months of Mormonism in Missouri: The Albert Perry Rockwood Journal." BYU Studies 28 (Winter 1988):5-41.

Whittaker, David J. "The Book of Daniel in Early Mormon Thought." In By Study and Also by Faith: Essays in Honor of Hugh W. Nibley on the Occasion of His Eightieth Birthday, Vol. 1, pp. 155-201. Salt Lake City, 1990.

David J. Whittaker

BYU STUDIES ~ DANITE BAND OF 1838

by Leland H. Gentry*

Leland H. Gentry, BYU Studies, Vol. 14, No. 4

Near the conclusion of the Mormon occupation of Missouri, late in 1838 to be exact, several leading men of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints were arrested and charged with treason. The court hearing that followed produced abundant testimony regarding the existence in Mormon circles of a secret, oath-bound organization known as the "Danite Band."1 But most of the corroborative evidence concerning the existence of the group came from men opposed to Joseph Smith and his close associates in the leadership of the Church.2 [Leland H. Gentry, BYU Studies, Vol. 14, No. 4, p.421]

The Danites made their appearance during a very troubled period in Mormon history. For this and other reasons, one finds much difficulty in isolating the many threads in order to lay bare the facts. One major purpose of this paper is to examine the Danite Band in terms of its origin, purpose, and organizational structure. A second objective is to show who was responsible for the formation and perpetuation of the movement and why.

THE RISE OF THE DISSENTERS

Prominent among the causes for the emergence of the Danites was the financial condition of the Church . By and large the Saints were poor, a condition aggravated by the repeated insistence of their non-Mormon neighbors that they find new locations for settlement.3 Moreover, unwise financial ventures served to create problems. The failure of the so-called Kirtland Bank in Ohio was a prime cause for trouble in Missouri. Many of the leading Saints lost heavily in this scheme, among them Oliver Cowdery and David Whitmer, the former an Associate President of the entire Church, and the latter President of the Church in Zion. They, together with some members of the apostolic Quorum of the Twelve, blamed Joseph Smith and his closest supporters for their financial distress. The resulting saga is one of the unpleasant stories in LDS Church history.4 [Leland H. Gentry, BYU Studies, Vol. 14, No. 4, p.422]

Coterminous with these Ohio events were those taking place in Missouri. To help procure money for land purchases in northern Missouri, Thomas B. Marsh and Elisha H. Groves were sent by the members in Missouri to scattered branches in Illinois, Kentucky, and Tennessee. Their efforts netted some fourteen hundred dollars.5 These funds were placed in the hands of John Whitmer and W. W. Phelps, members of the Presidency in Zion. Instead of using the money as intended, however, the two presidents bought lands in their own names and attempted to sell the same to their impoverished brethren at a small profit. Such action brought immediate protest from many quarters, members insisting that the two men were only agents appointed to act in behalf of the Church. Phelps and Whitmer, on the other hand, insisted that they were entitled to the profits for their time and trouble.6

ACTION TAKEN AGAINST THE DISSENTERS

During the winter of 1837-38, Oliver Cowdery, David Whitmer, and Lyman E. Johnson moved from Kirtland, Ohio, to Far West, Missouri. Not long after their arrival, "a general system of slander and abuse was commenced" by them, allegedly "for the purpose of destroying the character of certain individuals."7 In time, David Whitmer, W. W. Phelps, and John Whitmer were rejected by the Church in Missouri as its presidents. Shortly thereafter, proceeding were instituted to try them and others for their membership in the Church.8 The resultant trials did nothing to allay the bad feelings that already existed, but only served to inflame them. In time the Saints of Caldwell County determined to rid their community of these men. [Leland H. Gentry, BYU Studies, Vol. 14, No. 4, p.423]

SALT SPEECH PROBLEMS

The first official encouragement given to removing these "dissenters" from Caldwell County came in the form of a speech by Sidney Rigdom on Sunday, 17 June 1838. Familiarly known in church history annals as the "Salt Sermon," Rigdon's address remains one of the controversial events of the period.9 One who heard the speech, John Corrill, wrote concerning it,

President Rigdon delivered from the pulpit what I call the "Salt Sermon;" 'If the salt have lost its savour, it is thenceforth good for nothing but to be cast out and trodden under the feet of men,' was his text; and although he did not call names in his sermon, yet it was plainly understood that he meant the dissenters or those who had denied the faith. He indirectly accused some of them with crime.10

While it cannot be shown beyond dispute that Rigdon's sermon was the prime cause for the dissenter's rapid departure from the county, there is little doubt that it played a significant role. The Saints of Caldwell seem to have felt that it was a greater crime to tolerate the dissenters longer than it was to drive them out.11 According to John Corrill, "the Church, it was said, would never become pure unless these dissenters were routed from among them. Moreover, if they were suffered to remain, they would destroy the Church."12 [Leland H. Gentry, BYU Studies, Vol. 14, No. 4, p.424]

DOCUMENTING EVIDENCE AGAINST DISSENTERS

The second step taken against the dissenters came at this same time in the form of a lengthy document rehearsing the supposed sins of the dissenters and ordering them to leave the county or face the consequences. This "Greeting" was drawn up in the form of a solemn warning and was addressed to "Oliver Cowdery, David Whitmer, John Whitmer, W. W. Phelps, and Lyman E. Johnson." The first paragraph reads in part as follows:

Whereas the citizens of Caldwell county have born [sic] with the abuse received from you at different times and on different occasions, until it is no longer to be endured; neither will they endure it any longer, having exhausted all the patience they have, and conceive that to bear any longer would be a vice instead of a virtue. We have borne long and suffered incredibly; but we will neither bear nor suffer any longer; and the decree has gone forth from our hearts, and shall not return to us void. Neither think gentlemen, that in so saying, we are trifling with you or ourselves; for we are not. There are no threats from you--no fear of losing our lives by you, nor by anything you can say or do, will restrain us; for out the county you shall go, and no power can save you. 13

The foregoing document was signed by eighty-four Caldwell citizens, but its author remains unknown.14 Sampson Avard, founder and perpetuator of the infamous Danite Band, was the first to sign. It is possible that the document was drawn up by him and presented for signing at one or more Danite meetings. Several of the signatories were known Danite members. [Leland H. Gentry, BYU Studies, Vol. 14, No. 4, p.425]

HISTORY OF SAMPSON AVARD

Little is known of Sampson Avard prior to his arrival in Far West about June of 1838. He was born 23 October, year unknown, on the Isle of Guernsey, St. Peter's Parish, England.15 Sometime prior to 1835, he migrated to the United States and settled at Freedom, Beaver County, Pennsylvania, where he engaged for a time as a Campbellite preacher.16 Precisely how he came in contact with the Church is not known, but there is evidence of interest as early as October of 1835.17 He was baptized about this time by Orson Pratt, who immediately ordained him an elder and set him apart as president of his local branch.18 While still engaged in that capacity, Avard did some missionary work near his him home with Elder Erastus Snow.19 [Leland H. Gentry, BYU Studies, Vol. 14, No. 4, p.426]

Avard moved to Kirtland late in 1836. Shortly after his arrival, he applied for and received a patriarchal blessing from Joseph Smith, Sr.20 One year later, in October of 1837, Avard's license as a high priest was revoked by his quorum in Kirtland.21 Although the nature of Avard's offense is not specified, B. H. Roberts asserts that it consisted of going to Canada sometime after his arrival in Kirtland and presenting false credentials to John Taylor, then the presiding elder, claiming that he had been appointed president of the branch in Taylor's place. Roberts concludes that Avard went to Canada at the behest of the "apostates" in Kirtland who wished to replace Taylor with someone less loyal to Joseph Smith. Later, when Joseph Smith and Sidney Rigdon made a visit to Canada, the matter was cleared up. The Prophet is said to have rebuked Avard severely for his course, and in consequence Avard lost his license.22

By June of 1838, Avard was in Far West. On 2 June, Oliver Cowdery wrote to his brothers Lyman and Warren in Kirtland as follows: "Avard arrived sometime since. He appears very friendly, but I look upon him with so much contempt that he will probably get but little from me."23 Avard was excommunicated from the Church at Nauvoo on 17 March 1839, along with George M. Hinkle, John Corrill, Reed Peck, W. W. Phelps, Thomas B. Marsh, Burr Riggs, and several others.24

All evidence indicates that the Danite order originated about the same time Sidney Rigdon gave vent to his feelings in his "Salt Sermon." The original purpose of the order appears to have been to aid the Saints of Caldwell in their determination to be free from dissenter influence. John Corrill, present for at least one of the group's earliest meetings, states that "an effort was made to adopt some plan to get rid of the dissenters." He, with others, allegedly opposed the formation of a band for that purpose, but to no avail. Said he,

I think the original object of the Danite band was to operate against the dissenters; but afterwards it grew into a system to carry out the designs of the Presidency; and, if necessary to use physical force to build up the Kingdom of God, it was to be done by them. This is my opinion as to their object; and I learned it from various sources connected with the band.25 [Leland H. Gentry, BYU Studies, Vol. 14, No. 4, p.427]

Avard, first among those to testify at the hearing in Richmond in November 1838, agrees. According to his account, the original intent of the band "was to drive from the county of Caldwell all that dissented from the Mormon Church."26

With the flight of the dissenters on 19 June 1838, the Danites lost their reason for existence.27 A new purpose had to be found to justify their continuation. The warlike threats continually breathed against the Saints by their Missouri neighbors furnished just the objective, namely, protection against mob violence. Reed Peck, present at a meeting presided over by Avard, claims that he was told that the major purpose of the Danite organization was that its members "might be more perfectly organized to defend ourselves against mobs."28 Sidney Rigdon later maintained that "the Danites were organized for mutual protection against the bands that were forming and threatened to be formed."29 Luman Andros Shurtliff, one-time member of the order, wrote that the Danite organization "was got up for our personal defense; also of our families, property, and our religion."30 Leland H. Gentry, BYU Studies, Vol. 14, No. 4, p.428

In time, the order, under the leadership of Avard, assumed a third purpose, one entirely foreign to the spirit of the Church: retaliation against those who committed depredations against defenseless Saints.31 According to information received by Joseph Smith following the demise of the Danites, Avard secretly taught his troops,

Know ye not, brethren, that it will soon be your privilege to take your respective companies and go out on a scout on the borders of the settlements and take to yourselves spoils of the goods of the ungodly Gentiles? For it is written, the riches of the Gentiles shall be consecrated to my people, the house of Israel; and thus you will waste away the Gentiles by robbing and plundering them of their property; and in this way we will build up the Kingdom of God.32

THE QUESTION OF NAMES FOR THE ORDER

In the course of its existence, the organization went by several names. It is entirely possible that the names were changed as the purposes for the organization also changed. At its inception, the band was known as the "Brothers of Gideon." Reed Peck, one-time member of the order, claimed that the Danites were originally under the command of one Jared Carter, the "terrible Brother of Gideon," so called because Carter had a brother by the name.33 W. W. Phelps testified that he overheard Sidney Rigdon say in a Danite meeting that whoever was caught speaking against the First Presidency would be delivered "over to the hands of the Brother of Gideon."34 John D. Lee alleged that on the first Sunday he attended Church in Far West a man entered the House of God without removing his hat. Whereupon, says Lee, "the Prophet ordered the Brother of Gideon to put that man out for his presumption."35 Leland H. Gentry, BYU Studies, Vol. 14, No. 4, p.429

When the Danites entered their second phase, serving as protectors against mob attack, they became known as the "Daughters of Zion." Sampson Avard claimed that this was one of the band's more common names.36 The term "Danite" appears to have been applied to the order in its third and last stage, namely, stealing from and plundering those who stole from and plundered the Saints. Summarizing the question of names, John Corrill wrote,

They [the Danites] sometimes went by the name of the "Big Fan;" this, I supposed, was figurative of their intentions to cleanse the chaff from the wheat. They also assumed the name "Daughters of Zion," and afterwards were called "Danites." Why they assumed these last names I never knew, but always supposed that they took them from the scriptures, which speaks of them, the first prophetically, the last historically. (See Micah iv., 13, read the whole chapter; also Judges, xvii and xviii chapters.)37

THE NATURE OF THE DANITE SOCIETY: ITS TEACHINGS AND PRACTICES

The teaching and practices of the Danite order gave it identity and uniqueness. Joseph Smith referred to it once as a "secret combination,"38 thus linking it with the satanic organizations mentioned in the Book of Mormon.39

Recruitment for the band appears to have been by personal contact, and admission to membership was exclusively select. William Swartzell, resident of Adam-ondi-Ahman, relates how he sought to attend a Danite meeting on one occasion only to find his way blocked by sentinels "armed with pistols, swords, and guns." When the meeting was over, however, Swartzell was allegedly approached by a friend and asked if he could "eat strong meat." When Swartzell replied that he could providing the meat had a "good scent," he was temporarily dropped from consideration. Sometime later, however, he was again approached, this time by another Danite member who said:

Ah!! Brother Swartzell, you should have been at the meeting; you should have heard all about the Daranite [sic] business. . . . I dare not tell you what was said or preached, but never mind; next Saturday is another Daranite [sic] meeting, and then I will cause you to come in, too, to learn this mystery, provided no one objects to your being a MAN OF WAR!40 Leland H. Gentry, BYU Studies, Vol. 14, No. 4, p.431

The most important aspect of the Danite society, apart from its apparent exclusiveness, was its secret nature. As previously noted, meeting places were carefully guarded to prevent unwanted intruders form entering. Moreover, those who did come to the meeting were said to be "well armed, some had swords, some had pistols, and others had guns and cow-hides."41 Initiates were instructed to settle all differences with prospective Danite brothers prior to accepting full membership, thus lessening the risk of exposing Danite secrets in unguarded moments of anger.

THE SECRET OATH BINDING DANITES

The secrets of the order were further protected by means of solemn oaths and covenants that each initiate was required to assume. According to Avard, the oath of secrecy was administered so that all members might be "bound together by covenant, that those who revealed the secrets of the Society should be put to death." The oath, as given by Avard, was as follows:

In the name of Jesus Christ, the Son of God, I do solemnly obligate myself ever to conceal and never to reveal the secrets of this society called the Daughters of Zion. Should I ever do the same, I hold my life as the forfeiture.42

Swartzell's version, although somewhat different, was as follows:

Now I do solemnly swear, by the eternal Jehovah, that I will decree to bear and conceal, and never reveal, this secret, at the peril of committing perjury, and [enduring] the pains of death, and my body to be shot and laid in the dust. Amen.43

According to John Clemenson, "Dr. Avard further taught that if anyone betrayed the secret designs of the society," he was to be "killed, laid aside, and nothing said about it."44 Swartzell added that he was personally told that if any member of the society should try to run away and betray the secrets, "though he should be five thousand miles distant, the 'Destroying Angels' would pursue him and take his life."45

CONSTITUTION

The Danites had their own system of punishment. If the so-called Constitution46 is be trusted, punishments were "administered to the guilty in accordance with the offence." However, no member was to be punished "without law." Moreover, members of the order were sworn to protect each other at any cost from all forms of law and order except those that were part of the Danite system. According to Swartzell, all Danites were taught as follows:

If any brother should have stolen a horse, or committed any offence, and is arraigned before a justice of the peace for trial, you must, at the risk of your lives, rescue him and not permit him to be tried by the Gentile Law; but bring him before our tribunal and let him be tried by our council.47

JOHN D. LEE

John D. Lee, also a member of the band, wrote,

The members of the Order were placed under the most sacred obligations that language could invent. They were sworn to stand by and sustain each other. Sustain, protect, defend, and obey the leaders of the Church under any and all circumstances unto death; and to divulge the name of a Danite to an outsider, or to make public any of the secrets of the Danites, was to be punished by death.48

Whether the supreme penalty was ever invoked is open to question. No evidence whatever has been found to show that it was, although Sidney Rigdon is quoted as having said in a Danite meeting "that one man had 'slipped his wind' yesterday, and had been thrown aside into the brush for the buzzards to pick, and the first man who lisped it should die."49

That members might be able to recognize one another at all times, let the circumstances be as they might, signs of recognition were taught. John D. Lee states that the principal purpose for these signals was mutual protection in times of distress, means by which a fellow Danite could call for help without using his voice. According to Lee,

When the sign was given, it must be responded to and obeyed, even at the risk or certainty of death. That Danite that would refuse to respect the token and [did not] comply with its regulations, was stamped with dishonor, infamy, shame, and disgrace, and his fate for cowardice was death.

The sign or token of distress is made by placing the right hand on the right side of the face, with the points of the fingers upwards, shoving the hand upwards until the ear is snug up between thee thumb and fore-finger.50

Rigdon and Shurtliff agree in substance with the foregoing.51 Reed Peck and John Corrill add that a Danite was under oath to help a brother in distress without taking time to inquire into the reason for or the nature of the difficulty.52

AVARD'S CHARACTER AND METHODS

Nothing demonstrates the nature of Sampson Avard's character more that the quickness with which he broke his Danite oath and "told all" after he was captured. He alleged that "Daniteism was an order of the Church," he merely acting under the orders of the Mormon First Presidency.53

GOV BOGGS TESTIMONY

His testimony was readily accepted by all who opposed Mormonism.54 General John B. Clark, who captured Avard, reported the following to Governor Boggs: "I will here remark that but for the capture of Sampson Avard, a leading Mormon, I do not believe I could have obtained any useful facts. No one disclosed any useful matter until he was brought in."55 Considering the secretive nature of the Danite order and the fact that Avard was the chief proponent of the same, it is easy to see how he was able to supply so many "useful facts."

There is abundant evidence to indicate that Avard was untruthful. Nancy Rigdon, one of the few permitted to testify in behalf of the Mormon prisoners, said that she had personally heard Avard say "that he would swear to a lie to gain any object; that he had told many a lie and would do so again."56 While awaiting trial, Avard allegedly told Oliver Olney that "if he [Olney] wished to clear himself, he must swear hard against the heads of the Church, as they were the ones the court wanted to criminate. . . . I intend to do it . . . for if I do not, they will take my life."57 Joseph Smith charged that Avard taught his captains that he would "swear a lie" to clear any of them of an accusation, and they should do the same.58 From Lyman Wight's journal we get the following:

November 12th. Court opened this morning and Sampson Avard was sworn. He was a man whose character was perfectly run down in all classes of society, and he being a stranger, palmed himself upon the Mormon Church, and in order to raise himself in the estimation of the Church, invented schemes and plans to go against mobocracy, which were perfectly derogatory to the laws of this State and of the United States, and frequently endeavored to enforce them upon members of the Church, and when repulsed by Joseph Smith, he would frequently become chagrined. At one time he told me that the reason why he could not carry his plans into effect was that the First Presidency of the Church feared he would have too much influence and gain the honor which the Presidency desired for themselves. At one time he said to me that he would 'be dammed' if he did not carry his plans through. More than once did he raise a conspiracy against them (the Presidency) in order to take their lives, thinking that he might then rule the Church. Now when he was brought before the court, he swore that all these treasonable purposes (which he had sworn in his heart to perform) originated with us.59 [Leland H. Gentry, BYU Studies, Vol. 14, No. 4, p.435]

Morris Phelps, one-time Danite who spent the winter of 1838-39 in jail for alleged misdeeds, wrote, He [Avard] at length turned conspirator and sought to make friends with the world and save his neck by testifying false against the lives of the innocent. This modern Sampson was one that crowded himself into the company of Mormons that declared they would no longer bear the insults of a mob and was determined to fight them in defending themselves, and he figured largely when there was property to be found in vacated house of the mob. But when coming up to face the enemy, [he was] like Sampson of old contending for his rights. Three days after he was found by the mob several miles from danger, as was supposed, in a brush thicket, he was brought into their camp and was a good fellow, well met.60

It is apparent that Avard's abilities as a persuader were of no mean order. Moreover, his ability to make use of familiar and sacred concepts for his own purposes was as ingenious as it was perverse. In his instructions to his Danite captains, for example, he allegedly taught that stealing was not wrong providing one did it in support of the kingdom of God.61 Having particular reference to the subject of plundering the enemies of the Church, Avard said,

Leland H. Gentry, BYU Studies, Vol. 14, No. 4, p.435

In this way we will build up the Kingdom of God, and roll forth the little stone that Daniel saw cut out of the mountain without hands, and roll forth until it filled the whole earth. For this is the very way God destines to build up His Kingdom in the last days.62

As part of his imposition upon the credulity of his brethren Avard taught his devotees to manifest an outward allegiance to the Church by consecrating all plunder taken from the Gentiles to the bishop's storehouse.63 John Clemenson testified at the hearing that Dimick B. Huntington, a Danite, personally informed him that the Missourians at Gallatin took the goods from the store of one Jacob Stollings, piled them outside, and then set fire to the building, ostensibly to blame the Mormons for the deed.64 While the Missourians were gone for wagons in which to haul the goods off, however, the Danites arrived, piled the property into their wagons, and drove off. Said Clemenson,

I understand that the goods were deposited with the Bishop of the Church at Diahman as consecrated property of the church. A great deal of property was brought into the Mormon camps, but I do not know where it came from, but understood it was consecrated property. It was frequently observed among the troops that the time had come when the riches of the Gentiles should be consecrated to the Saints.65 [Leland H. Gentry, BYU Studies, Vol. 14, No. 4, p.436]

Avard taught his followers that if they were faithful, the Lord would protect them in time of war. According to Joseph Smith, Avard pictured for his followers "a great glory that was then hovering over the Church and would soon burst upon the Saints as a cloud by day and a pillar of fire by night.66 Reed Peck adds that "victories in which one would chase a thousand and two should put ten thousand to flight were portrayed in the most lively manner," while the "assistance of angels was promised" if the need arose. Everything, Peck says, was said to inspire the Danites with zeal and courage and to make them believe that God was soon to "bring to pass his 'strange act,'" of which the Danites were to be the chosen instruments.67 John D. Lee concurs. He charges that the Danites were taught that if they faithfully consecrated their wealth unto the Lord, "the Lord . . . would fight their battles and save them from their enemies."68

Avard appears to have been most skillful in convincing his followers that he had the sanction of the heads of the Church for his operations. To prevent their inquiring for themselves, however, he bound them to maintain "everlasting secrecy to everything which should be communicated to them by himself." Meetings were held daily and consummated with such speed that "mature reflection upon the matter" was nearly impossible. In the process of indoctrinating his captains, Avard allegedly said, If any of us should be recognized [i.e., by an enemy], who can harm us? for we will stand by each other and defend one another in all things. If our enemies swear against us, we can swear also. Why do you startle at this, brethren. As the Lord liveth, I would swear to a lie to clear any of you; and if this would not do, I would put them [i.e., the enemy] under the sand as Moses did the Egyptian; and in this way we will consecrate much unto the Lord and build up His kingdom; and who can stand against us? And if any of us transgress, we will deal with him among ourselves. And if any one of this Danite society reveals any of these things, I will put him where the dogs cannot bite him.69

Naturally Avard's followers were dismayed by some of his teachings. Such instructions ran counter to their understanding of the manner in which God's kingdom would be built. Avard tried to calm their apprehensions by asserting that while such deeds may be unlawful in man's sight, "no laws were executed in justice" on earth anyhow; and even if they were, they would not be binding upon the Saints, because those of the Church belonged to a new dispensation, a period of time when "the kingdom of God was to put down all other kingdoms, and the Lord Himself was to reign, and His laws alone were the laws that would exist."70

AVARD'S MOTIVES NOT ENTIRELY CLEAR

Avard's motives for organizing the Danites are not entirely clear. At first he may have been prompted by a sincere desire to help protect the lives of the Saints and to preserve the principles of liberty that they valued. But he used the organization for other ends. Joseph Smith inclined toward the opinion that Avard "was secretly aspiring to be the greatest of the great and [to] become the leader of the (Mormon) people." Said the Prophet,

At a time when mobs oppressed, robbed, whipped, burned, plundered, and slew, till forbearance seemed no longer a virtue and nothing but the grace of God without measure could support men under such trials--[Avard sought] to form a secret combination by which he might rise a mighty conqueror, at the expense and overthrow of the Church. This he tried to accomplish by his smooth, flattering, and winning speeches, which he frequently made to his associates, while his room was well guarded by some of his followers, ready to give him the signal on the approach of anyone who would not approve of his measures.71

DANITE CONSTITUTION

The secret nature of the Danite order makes it difficult to ferret out the truth in every particular. The so-called Constitution is a good example. Of those who testified at the hearing, none but Avard seemed to know of its existence. He charged that the original copy was read at a Danite meeting held in the home of Sidney Rigdon and was "unanimously adopted" by those present "as their rule and guide in the future." Avard also swore that he was ordered by the organization's "Council" at a later date to destroy the document because its existence would be evidence of the highest incrimination. This he did not do. Instead, he produced the following before the Court:

Whereas in all bodies laws are necessary for the permanence, safety, and well-being of society, we, the members of the Society of the Daughters of Zion, do agree to regulate ourselves under such laws as, in righteousness, shall be deemed necessary for the preservation of our holy religion, our most sacred rights, and the rights of our wives and children. But to be more explicit on the subject, it is especially our object to support and defend the rights conferred on us by our venerable sires, who purchased them with the pledges of their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honors.

And now, to prove ourselves worthy of the liberty conferred on us by them, in the providence of God, we do agree to be governed by such laws as shall perpetuate these high privileges, of which we know ourselves to be the rightful possessors, and of which privileges wicked and designing men have tried to deprive us, by all manner of evil, and that purely in consequence of the tenacity we have manifested in the discharge of our duty towards our God, who has given us those rights and privileges, and a right, in common with others, to dwell on this land. But we, not having the privileges of others allowed unto us, have determined, like our fathers, to resist tyranny whether it be found in kings or in people. It is all alike unto us. Our rights we must have, and our rights we shall have, in the name of Israel's God. [Leland H. Gentry, BYU Studies, Vol. 14, No. 4, p.439]

Article 1st. All power belongs originally and legitimately to the people, and they have a right to dispose of it as they shall deem fit; but, as it is inconvenient and impossible to convene the people in all cases, the legislative powers have been given by them, from time to time, into the hands of a representation composed of delegates from the people themselves. This is and has been the law, both in civil and religious bodies, and is the true principle.

Article 2d. The executive power shall be vested in the president of the whole church and his councillors.

Article 3d. The legislative powers shall reside in the president and his councillors, together with the generals and colonels of this society. By them all laws shall be made regulating the society.

Leland H. Gentry, BYU Studies, Vol. 14, No. 4, p.439

Article 4th. All offices shall be during life and good behavior, or to be regulated by the law of God.

Article 5th. The society reserves the power of electing its officers, with the exception of the aids and clerks, which the officers may need in their various stations. The nomination to go from the presidency to his second, and from the second to the third in rank, and so down through all its various grades. Each branch or department retains the power of electing its own particular officers.

Article 6th. Punishments shall be administered to the guilty in accordance with the offence, and no member shall be punished without law or by any other means than those appointed by law for that purpose. The legislature shall have power to make laws regulating punishments, as, in their judgments, shall be wisdom and righteousness.

Article 7th. There shall be a secretary, whose business it shall be to keep the legislative records of the society; also the rank of the officers. He shall also communicate the laws to the generals as directed by the laws made for the regulation of such business by the Legislature.

Article 8th. All officers shall be subject to the commands of the Captain General, given through the Secretary of War;and all officers shall be subject to their superiors in rank, according to the laws made for the purpose.72 [Leland H. Gentry, BYU Studies, Vol. 14, No. 4, p.439]

The author of this document is unknown. When Avard was captured, he immediately surrendered the paper to General Clark.73 Clark in turn forwarded it to Governor Boggs.74 Of those who were questioned at the hearing concerning its existence, all insisted they had never heard of it .75 In addition, Corrill wrote,

I have learned of late [i.e., as a result of the hearing] that a constitution was formed, savoring all the spirit of monarchy and adopted by the leaders and some others of this society; but I conclude that few knew about it, for I never heard one lisp on the subject, until after Avard exposed it after he was arrested.76

DANITE RELATIONSHIP TO THE "ARMIES OF ISRAEL"

Increasing hostilities, both actual and threatened, during the late summer and early fall of 1838 made it advisable for the Saints to organize into military bodies for self-defense. Acting upon advice from General Alexander Doniphan, brigadier general for northern Missouri, the saints formed two such units, one at Far West, the other at Adam-ondi-Ahman.77 Many who belonged to these legitimate units were also members of the Danite clan. Evidence indicates that little, if any, effort was made to distinguish between one's activities in either group.78 In addition, both Danites and legitimate troops were organized into companies of tens and fifties, thus further obfuscating the picture. Joseph Smith made an attempt to distinguish between the groups in these words: Leland H. Gentry, BYU Studies, Vol. 14, No. 4, p.440

And here let it be understood, that these companies of tens and fifties got up by Avard were altogether separate and distinct from those companies of tens and fifties organized by the brethren for self-defense in case of attack from the mob. This latter organization was called into existence more particularly that in this time of alarm, no family or person might be neglected; therefore, one company would be engaged in drawing wood, another in cutting it, another in gathering corn, another in grinding, another in butchering, another in distributing meat, etc., etc., so that all should be employed in turn and no one lack for the necessaries of life.79 Leland H. Gentry, BYU Studies, Vol. 14, No. 4, p.441

Following his capture by the Missourians, Avard apparently surmised rather quickly that if he could convince the court that both sets of troops were one and the same and that the First Presidency was responsible for their creation and perpetuation, he would go free. Such is precisely the stand he took; and his testimony was accepted at face value, for Avard was never censured in any way for his connection with the Danites. Joseph Smith, on the other hand, wished it plainly understood that the two groups were separate. He wrote,

Let no one hereafter, by mistake or design, confound this organization [i.e., the legitimate militia of Far West] of the Church for good and righteous purposes with the organization of the "Danites" by the apostate Avard, which died almost before it had an existence.80

Other factors make it clear that the two groups were separate. In contrast to Danite secrecy, membership in the "Armies of Israel"81 was open to all able-bodied men. In addition, the Armies of Israel were purely defensive in nature and were not distinguished by secret oaths or passwords of any sort. They were governed openly in accord with accepted military discipline.

Nothing confirms the fact of separateness, however, like a comparison of the officers of the two organizations. Reed Peck, one-time member of the Danites, claims the following:

Philo Dibble told me who the officers of the Danite Band were: that George W. Robinson was colonel, that he [Dibble] was lieutenant colonel, and Seymour Brunson, major, and that I was chosen adjutant. After that, I had a talk with George W. Robinson, in which I was informed . . . further, that Jared Carter was captain general of the band, Cornelius P. Lott, major general, and Sampson Avard, brigadier general. This is as I recollect it.82 Leland H. Gentry, BYU Studies, Vol. 14, No. 4, p.442

The military organization for the Armies of Israel, on the other hand, was as follows:

It was determined that Colonel Wight should be commander-in-chief at Adam-ondi-Ahman; [Seymour] Brunson, captain of the flying of Daviess; Colonel [George M.] Hinkle, commander-in-chief of the Far West troops; Captain Patten, captain of the flying horses or cavalry [at Far West]; and that the Prophet, Joseph Smith, jr., should be commander-in-chief of the whole kingdom.83

It will be noticed that in the foregoing quote, Avard places Joseph Smith as "commander-in-chief" of the Armies of Israel and makes no mention whatever of himself. In this way, Avard, who could not have failed to know the difference between the two organizations, attempted to make the Mormon prophet pay for Avard's own folly. George M. Hinkle, however, inadvertently exposed Avard's rascality at the hearing when he complained bitterly that the Danites took "all power out of the hands" of himself and the officers of the troops in Far West. He thus clearly distinguishes between the two groups.84

DANITE RELATIONSHIP TO THE FIRST PRESIDENCY

The question naturally arises as to how much the members of the First Presidency knew about the Danite movement. Avard consistently taught his followers that he had the unqualified support of the top leaders of the Church.85 Owing to the secret nature of the order and to the severe penalties invoked when Danite secrets were discussed outside of chambers, dubious members do not seem to have felt free to inquire for themselves. In time, however, some members became insistent on a visit from the First Presidency. According to Peck, Avard gave in reluctantly, having long insisted that it was "impossible for the presidency to come and explain their views and wishes" because of the heavy press of Church duties.86 One of those who demanded the visit was Lorenzo Dow Young. According to his own testimony, he felt that what he heard at Danite meetings was "in direct antagonism to the principles taught by the leaders of the Church, and the elders generally." Speaking of his personal efforts to induce Avard to give in, Young wrote,

The culmination finally arrived. At one of the meetings Dr. Avard particularly required that all present who had been attending meetings should at once join the Society by making the required covenants, and I was especially designated. I asked the privilege of speaking which was granted. I began to state my reasons for joining the society and was proceeding to . . . expose its wickedness, when Dr. Avard peremptorily ordered me to be seated. I objected to sitting down until I had fully expressed my views. He threatened to put the law of the organization in force there and then. I stood directly in front of him and was well prepared for the occasion. I told him with all the emphasis of my nature, in voice and manner, that I had as many friends in the house as he had, and if he made a motion to carry out his threat, he should not live to get out of the house, for I would instantly kill him. He did not try to put his threat into execution, but the meeting broke up. From the meeting I went directly to Brother Brigham and related the whole history of the affair. He said he had long suspicioned that some secret wickedness was being carried on by Dr. Avard.87 Leland H. Gentry, BYU Studies, Vol. 14, No. 4, p.443

Such pressure resulted in the only known visit of Joseph or Hyrum Smith to Danite meetings. Evidence indicates that Rigdon was present on more than one occasion, perhaps several. At the meeting Avard informed those present that "he had procured the Presidency to come there to show that what he had been doing was according to their direction and will." However, adds Peck, Avard "did not explain to the Presidency" in the presence of those assembled, precisely "what his teachings had been in that Society."88 John Clemenson, also present for the occasion, testified:

The three composing the presidency was at one of those meetings, and to satisfy the people, Dr. Avard called on Joseph Smith, Jr., who gave them a pledge that if he led them into difficulty, he would give them his head for a football; that it was the will of God these things should be so. The teacher and active agent of the society was Dr. Avard.89

It was during the second stage of Danite development, namely, when the Saints were making preparations to stand against the many mobs forming and threatening to be formed, that the First Presidency made their only visit. Understanding neither the full intent of Avard's mind nor the devastating nature of his teachings, Joseph Smith may have felt that the society had a legitimate basis for existence in that it was organized for protective purposes. His comment that "it was the will of God these things should be so" doubtless should be interpreted in this light. Consider the following statement from Joseph Smith:

The Danite system . . . never had any [official] existence [it was a term used by some of the brethren] in Far West and grew out of an expression I made use of when the brethren were preparing to defend themselves from the Missouri mob, in reference to the stealing of Macaiah's [i.e., Micah's] images (Judges 18). If the enemy comes, the Danites will be after them, meaning the brethren in self defense.90

Avard apparently took advantage of the expression and applied it to his secret band. Hence Joseph Smith wrote from jail in 1838, We have learned . . . since we have been prisoners that many false and pernicious things, which were calculated to lead the Saints far astray and to do great injury, have been taught by Dr. Avard as coming from the Presidency, and we have reason to fear that many other designing and corrupt characters like unto himself, have been teaching many things which the Presidency never knew were being taught in the Church by anybody until after they were made prisoners. Had they known such things, they would have spurned them and their authors as they would the gates of hell. Thus we find that there have been frauds and secret abominations and evil works of darkness going on, leading the minds of the weak and unwary into confusion and distraction, and all the time palming it off upon the Presidency, while the Presidency were ignorant as well as innocent of those things. . . .91 Leland H. Gentry, BYU Studies, Vol. 14, No. 4, p.445

JOSEPH SMITH WRITING FROM JAIL

Later, in a second letter from Liberty Jail, the Prophet wrote,

I would suggest the impropriety of the organization of bands or companies, by covenant or oaths, by penalties or secrecies; but let the time past or our experiences and suffering by the wickedness of Doctor Avard suffice and let our covenant be that of the Everlasting Covenant, as it is contained in Holy Writ, and the things that God hath revealed unto us. Pure friendship always becomes weakened the very moment you undertake to make it stronger by penal oaths and secrecy.92

The precise role of the First Presidency in the so-called Mormon War93 is uncertain. George M. Hinkle, disgruntled because of alleged mistreatment at the hands of Joseph Smith, testified at the hearing as follows:

In the council in Far West a few days before the [State] militia came out, I recollect, in making arrangements for war, that the Presidency was to have supreme rule, and that their war office or headquarters was to be in Diamon where, Joseph Smith, Jr., said they could have all necessary preparations to carry on the war in a warlike manner; and they were to have gone in a day or two to take their seats.94

John Clemenson testified that "it was not usual for any of the presidency . . . to take up arms and go into the ranks,"95 while Alanson Ripley, Heber C. Kimball, William Huntington, and Joseph B. Noble signed a formal petition claiming that the Mormon prophet "never commanded any military company nor held any military authority, [nor] has borne arms in the military rank"96

If it be wondered how one so prominent as Joseph Smith could be so ignorant of Danite workings, particularly when the size of the order is considered,97 the following should be of interest. John Taylor, a prominent resident of Far West during the latter half of 1838, once said in a public sermon, "I have heard a good deal about Danites, but I never heard of them among the Latter-day Saints. If there was such an organization [i.e., in 1838], I was not made acquainted with it."98 Taylor's testimony is confirmed by Luman Shurtliff, a Danite, who, while on guard duty with Taylor during a difficult phase of the Mormon War, gave the Danite signal of distress only to discover that Taylor did not recognize it.99

Sidney Rigdon's connection with the Danites is truly open to question. As shown throughout this study, Rigdon was present at Danite meetings on more that one occasion. In setting forth his personal testimony of the order, Rigdon speaks far less deprecatingly than does Joseph Smith; in fact, his tone sometimes suggests approval:

Sometime previous to this [i.e., the trouble in Daviess County] in consequence of the threatenings which were made by mobs or those who were being formed into mobs, and the abuses committed by them on the persons and property of the citizens, an association was formed called the Danite band.

This, as far as I was acquainted with it (not being myself one of the number, neither was Joseph Smith, Sen.,)100 was for mutual protection against the bands that were forming and threatened to be formed for the professed object of committing violence on the property and persons of the citizens of Daviess and Caldwell counties. They had certain signs and words by which they could know one another, either by day or night. They were bound to keep these signs and words secret, so that no other person or persons than themselves could know them. When any of these persons were assailed by any lawless band, he would make it known to others, who would flee to his relief at the risk of life. Leland H. Gentry, BYU Studies, Vol. 14, No. 4, p.446

In this way they sought to defend each other's lives and property; but they were strictly enjoined not to touch any person, only those who were engaged in acts of violence against the persons or property of one of their own number, or one of those whose life and property they had bound themselves to defend.101

Certain statements credited to Rigdon during this period have strong Danite overtones. We have already considered the "Salt Sermon," the strong note of "Greeting" written to the dissenters in June of 1838, and the "Fourth of July Oration." One of Rigdon's biographers, Daryl Chase, allows that while the testimony given against Rigdon at the trial was one-sided, it does show him to be "one of the chief storm-centers on the Mormon side."102 The following are samples of the rhetoric attributed to Rigdon during this difficult period:

Rigdon, in speaking of the dissenters who were unwilling to fight mobs, said they ought to be pitched upon their horses with pitchforks and bayonets, forced into the front of the battle, and their property confiscated to the use of the army.103

As early as April last, at a meeting in Far West of eight or twelve persons, Mr. Rigdon arose and made an address to them, in which he spoke of having borne persecutions and law-suits, and other privations, and did not intend to bear them any longer; that they meant to resist the law; and if a sheriff came after them with writs, they would kill him; and if anybody opposed them, they would take off their heads. George W. Harris, who was present, observed, "You mean their heads of influence, I suppose." Rigdon answered that he meant that lump of flesh and bone called the skull or scalp. . . .104

I was invited to a schoolhouse, where, it was said, the people had assembled. I went there and was admitted. . . . A guard was placed around the house and one at the door. Mr. Rigdon then commenced making covenants, with uplifted hands. The first was that, if any man attempted to move out of the county or pack their things for that purpose, that any man then in the house, seeing this, without saying anything to any other person, should kill him and haul him aside into the brush; and that all the burial he should have should be in a turkey buzzard's guts; so that nothing should be left of him but his bones.

That measure carried in the form of a covenant with uplifted hands. After the vote had passed, he said, Now see if anyone dare vote against it, and called for the negative vote; and there was none. The next covenant, that if any persons in the surrounding country came into town, walking about--no odds who he might be--anyone of that meeting should kill him and throw him aside into the brush. This passed in a manner as the above had passed. The third covenant was to "conceal all these things." Mr. Rigdon then observed that the kingdom of heaven had no secrets; that yesterday a man had 'slipped his wind,' and was dragged into the hazel brush; and, said he, the man who lisps it shall die.105 Leland H. Gentry, BYU Studies, Vol. 14, No. 4, p.448

The foregoing testimony was supplied by men who felt animosity for Rigdon and must be viewed in that light. As Daryl Chase observes, however, "if there is so much as a grain of truth running through the apostates' affidavits, Rigdon made wild utterances" on several occasions. The evidence indicates, Chase concludes, that Sidney was a "dangerous man to be exercising control in such a situation."106 Later he avers that "if the Prophet had any desire to curb Rigdon's extravagant language, he was not very successful."107

Avard is quoted as having said that he had received his authority for heading the Danite order from Sidney Rigdon.108 The truth of this assertion, like all others coming from Avard, is open to question because of Avard's known anxiety to implicate anyone but himself. It is possible, in view of Rigdon's later connections with the Church, that he may have had some connection with the organization. Following his release from jail in January 1839, Sidney's interest in the Church began to wane. He allegedly told Brigham Young that he "would never follow Brother Joseph's revelations anymore, contrary to his own convenience" and that "Jesus Christ was a fool compared to him in sufferings."109 Rigdon's agreement to go to Washington to present the case of the stricken Saints was never fulfilled, and in 1843, Joseph Smith came to suspect that Rigdon was in league with the "Missouri mob" to destroy him.110 Leland H. Gentry, BYU Studies, Vol. 14, No. 4, p.449

As for Hyrum Smith, second counselor in the First Presidency, no specific charges against him emerged at the hearing. John Clemenson testified:

As to Hiram [sic] Smith, personally, I have thought him to be a good meaning man; but in connection with others, under the order of the Danite society, I thought I had as much to fear from him as from others.111

Avard himself testified:

I never heard Hiram [sic] make any inflammatory remark; but I have looked upon him as one composing the first presidency; acting in concert with Joseph Smith, Jr.; approving by his presence, acts, and conversations, the unlawful schemes of the presidency.112

Avard's only indictment of Hyrum Smith was that he was a member of the First Presidency and therefore guilty by association.

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

Much of the attitude one takes toward the origin and development of the Danite problem depends upon the kind of testimony one is willing to accept. When Avard's known penchant for lying as well as his unchristian teachings to the Danites are considered, it is difficult to see how much reliance could be placed in his word. Moreover, the readiness with which Avard, when apprehended by the law, broke his oath and "told all" speaks volumes about his character.

Evidence that contributes to an understanding of the Danite order comes from three prime sources. Some of it comes from members who had nothing to hide. Other portions come from members who wished to implicate all but themselves. A major source is Joseph Smith, who gleaned his understanding following the demise of the order. Not until the trial was in progress did Joseph Smith and his close associates become aware of the full extent of Avard's work. From his prison cell, the Mormon prophet emphatically denied the Danite order and issued stern warnings against all such future attachments.

The student stands aghast at the methods employed by Avard. By means of secret signs and tokens, communicated in secret meetings heavily guarded against intrusion, Avard swore his men to everlasting secrecy. This made it impossible, under pain of death, to inquire of Joseph Smith or other Church leaders concerning the truth. Avard personally demonstrated outward allegiance to Church practices by obeying the law of consecration and instructed his followers to do the same. Leland H. Gentry, BYU Studies, Vol. 14, No. 4, p.450

As a scheme the Danite order lasted less than five months. Following Avard's capture in November 1838 the movement died a quick death. It was then that Avard called upon his ingenuity to extricate himself from his difficult position.

Taking advantage of the unpopularity of the Church's leaders with the Missouri populace, as well as the fact that they were the ones the court wished to convict, Avard carefully worked to shift responsibility for the order from himself to Joseph Smith and his close associates.

It being the fashion of the times to blame the Mormon prophet for all that went awry in Mormondom, enemies of the Church accepted Avard's lies without question.

Sampson Avard, designer, craftsman, and leading light of the Danite Band, was never punished in any way for his crimes. Joseph Smith and other leading Church officials spent the next several months in Missouri jails.

BYU STUDIES ROCKWOOD LETTERS

THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE ROCKWOOD LETTERS:

The Danites in Mormon History

Dean C. Jessee and David J. Whittaker;

BYU Studies Vol. 28, No. 1

The serious student of Mormon history discovers that there are very few primary sources available or extant that deal with the last months of 1838 in Missouri. Because the vast majority of texts relating to these critical months were written after December 1838, the importance of the Rockwood letters becomes apparent.

They are significant contemporary records of the inner history of the LDS community at Far West during this period and for that reason alone are worthy of publication. [Dean C. Jessee and David J. Whittaker; BYU Studies Vol. 28, No. 1, pg.11]

But besides their detail for the events during the final months of 1838, revealing, as it were, a closeness that puts the reader in the eye of the storm, these letters also offer a new solution to the old debate over the existence and function of Danites in Mormon society.

The existence of groups of armed Mormons called "Danites" during 1838 in Missouri has both plagued faithful Mormons and seemingly provided almost unlimited historical license to their critics ever since.

The presence of the word Danites in early sources dealing with the so-called "Mormon War" in Missouri and the fact that some in the LDS community, apparently reacting to the clamor about Danites, crossed out or attempted to delete references to Danites, including the Rockwood material in the Church archives, have unfortunately further suggested the worst interpretation to critics of the Church as well as to well-meaning defenders of the faith.

Historiographically, the further removed from 1838 the source is, and the more critical the author was of the Church, the greater the detail the account contains of illegal activity by the Danites. Thus, accounts written by apostates or other enemies of the Church appearing by 1840 tend to suggest that the Danites were a secretive, militaristic, extralegal organization.

And generally, accounts by faithful Mormons after 1840 tend to be very defensive. The main difficulty with most of the critical evidence is that it comes from individuals who were clearly prejudiced against Joseph Smith.

SOURCE OF NEGATIVE ACCOUNTS

COURT RECORDS

In fact, the most negative accounts can be traced to two main sources: the highly questionable testimony of Sampson Avard at the November 1838 court of inquiry, or individuals who had or did come to question the whole concept of the kingdom of God in early Mormon thought. [Dean C. Jessee and David J. Whittaker; BYU Studies Vol. 28, No. 1, pg.12]

The conceptual framework of Stephen LeSueur's recent book, The 1838 Mormon War in Missouri, is based on the assumption that Joseph Smith knew about and even led marauding Danite bands on their offensive raids on non-Mormon Missouri farms and villages in 1838.

LeSueur consistently maintains an interpretation of the Danites that places the major blame on Mormon leaders for their problems in northern Missouri. Thus he concludes that the court of inquiry in November 1838 correctly bound Joseph Smith over for trial based on the evidence presented against him, particularly by Avard. On this matter, LeSueur follows directly an old interpretation.19

GENTRY STAGES OF DEVELOPMENT

The only other major interpretation was advanced by Leland Gentry, first in his 1965 dissertation and later in an article in BYU Studies.20 Basically Gentry argues that the Danites were real but that they went through three stages of development:

(1) in June at Far West and in July at Adam-ondi-Ahman, groups were organized to specifically aid in the expulsion of dissenters from the Mormon communities;

(2) from June to mid-October 1838, Danites provided protection for Mormons against mob violence, primarily a defensive movement; and

(3) during October 1838, during the "Mormon War," the Danites began to steal from non-Mormons, a stage and activity justified and led by Sampson Avard.

The value of Gentry's thesis has been that it admits that Danites existed and even that Joseph Smith could have known about the first two stages, but it disassociates the Prophet from the most militant and illegal manifestations.

AVARD A WITNESS FOR THE STATE

The irony, argues Gentry, is that Avard, in providing the testimony against Joseph Smith in November 1838 as a witness for the state, successfully shifted all blame for his own activity onto the Prophet. While Gentry's work is cited by LeSueur, at no time does he address Gentry's arguments. While Gentry apparently did not know of the Rockwood texts, LeSueur cites them but misunderstands what Rockwood is saying.21

Rockwood's own narrative suggests that both Mormons and non-Mormons have fundamentally failed to grasp what the Danites were, and this misunderstanding is perpetuated in the continued use of the term only for meanings critics of the Church early attached to it. While space limitations prevent a detailed analysis here, several points are revealing.22 Dean C. Jessee and David J. Whittaker; BYU Studies Vol. 28, No. 1, pg.12

Rockwood's record for 22 October 1838 suggests several important points for our understanding of the Danites. First, the origin of the "Armies of Israel" predates 1838; in fact, it goes back to Zion's Camp in 1834 (see D&C 105:30-32). Here militia operations in or by the Church were tied to divine injunctions to redeem Zion, a central part in Joseph Smith's mission of establishing the latter-day kingdom of God in Missouri (see D&C 107:72-73). And it has been clearly established that "Zion's Camp" was a defensive operation, depending solely on the promises of the governor of Missouri.23 Dean C. Jessee and David J. Whittaker; BYU Studies Vol. 28, No. 1, pg.13

Second, Rockwood's account of the organization of Danites involves the whole Mormon community, and he describes its structure in the biblical terms of companies of tens, fifties, and hundreds (see Ex. 18:13-26). He clearly says the various groupings provided all kinds of community service, not just bearing arms. Some groups of Danites were to build houses; others were to gather food or care for the sick, while still others were to help gather the scattered Saints into the community. There can be no doubt that Rockwood is describing the total activities of a covenant community that viewed itself in the same terms as ancient Israel. Working in groups, these Danites served the interests of the whole. The consecration of labor and property involved the whole community. It was hardly a secret organization working under the cover of darkness; in fact, Rockwood is more explicit about Danite activity in the letters he sends than in the accounts he copies into his own journal. This would hardly be a proper course to take if the whole thing were to be kept in absolute secrecy. Rockwood thus presents a view fundamentally different from Avard's, a view that allows for an interpretation of these developments in a much broader perspective, both historically and doctrinally.

Finally, Rockwood reveals that the name Dan came not from the warrior tribe of Dan (Gen. 49: 16-17; Deut. 33:22; I Chr. 12:35) or from the militant references to the "Daughters of Zion" (Isa. 3:16), as critical sources alleged or misunderstood, but rather, and more consistently, from the book of Daniel, "because the Prophet Daniel has Said the Saints Shall take the Kingdom and possess it for ever" (Dan. 2:44). To the student of Mormon history, this brings the whole notion into clear focus. Early Mormons consistently used the book of Daniel in their own self-understanding of the mission of the Church (see especially D&C 65:2). The "stone cut out without hands" was to fill the whole earth. It was, in their minds, the kingdom of God, and it was a direct outgrowth of their millennial expectations. It was not to be established by bloodshed or lawbreaking (see D&C 58: 19-22; 98:4--7; 105:5). The righteous were to be gathered out of the world, and, as Rockwood notes, it was the growing concentration of Mormons that really bothered their Missouri neighbors. General Clark's counsel to those who remained at Far West was to not gather again.

Throughout Rockwood's letters, Mormon millennial expectations are obvious, but nowhere is there the cutthroat secrecy that Avard later persuaded Judge Austin King and other non-Mormons there was. The illegal activities Avard testified to are also missing in the other known contemporary Mormon references to Danites. John Smith's diary speaks of the Danite activity in Adam-ondi-Ahman in very matter-of-fact terms; and the reference in the "Scriptory Book" of Joseph Smith kept by George Robinson also confirms the essentials suggested by Rockwood:

Some time past the bretheren or Saints have come up day after day to consecrate, and to bring their offerings into the store house of the lord, to prove him now herewith and se[e] if he will not pour us out a blessings that there will not be room enough to contain it. They have come up hither Thus far, according to the order <Rev?> of the Danites, we have a company of Danites in these times, to put right physically that which is not right, and to cleanse the Church of verry great evils which hath hitherto existed among us inasmuch as they cannot be put to right by teachings & persuasyons, This company or a part of them exibited on the fourth day of July [illegible word] They come up to consecrate by companies of tens, commanded by their captain over ten.24 Dean C. Jessee and David J. Whittaker; BYU Studies Vol. 28, No. 1, pg.14

All of this is not to suggest that the Mormon militia obeyed all the laws or that a segment of them were not misled by Avard. But as Richard L. Anderson has recently shown, even the burning of Gallatin and the raid on Millport were defensive in nature and came only after years of patient suffering.25 Therefore, to argue that these were simply the more public side of the very dark Danite activities is not historically accurate. It might be suggested that either Sidney Rigdon's speeches or private counsel could have encouraged Avard's activities, but it is unfair to continue to use the term Danite to cover only an aberration.

Rockwood's record would lead us to conclude that the original intention of the Danites was to more fully organize modern Israel into an integrated community with each person contributing to the benefit of the whole. It is unfortunate that the term has only been used to identify the activities of the more radical fringe, probably those led in that direction by Avard.

Avard's testimony seems to have laid the foundation for all subsequent interpretations. Even General Clark admitted Avard was the key to his investigation of the Mormons.26 Surely the accounts of such individuals as Reed Peck, John Corrill, John Whitmer, William Swartzell, John Hunt, Ebenezer Robinson, and even John D. Lee were framed less by what was happening in the Mormon community than by the interpretative framework Avard managed to provide for anyone who needed a rationale for rejecting either the leadership of Joseph Smith or the centralizing tendencies of a covenant community intent on establishing Zion.27

Students of Mormon history must also consider the various contemporary histories by individuals who remained faithful to the Church. Their lack of references to Danites not only suggest that perhaps they equated the community with the title, but that it had become a negative label, hence they denied knowing the term in the context of Avard's use of it. In the 1880s John Taylor recalled, "I have heard a good deal about Danites, but I have never heard of them among the Latter-day Saints. If there was such an organization, I never was made acquainted with it."28 Other sources, usually autobiographical recollections such as those of Mosiah Hancock, William Huntington, or Luman Shurtliff, are best understood in the context of Rockwood's use of the term Danite.

If what we argue here has merit, and we think the Rockwood letters suggest this, then the Danites in early Mormon history must be reevaluated. When Parley P. Pratt wrote to his family just at the end of the court of inquiry, he could, in honesty, tell them that "they accuse us of things that never entered into our hearts." And Joseph Smith, writing from Liberty Jail in December 1838, added:

We have learned also since we have been in prison that many false and pernicious things which were calculated to lead the saints far astray and to do great injury have been taught by Dr. Avard as coming from the Presidency . . . which the presidency never knew of being taught in the church by any body untill after they were made prisoners . . . the presidency were ignorant as well as innocent of these things.29 Dean C. Jessee and David J. Whittaker; BYU Studies Vol. 28, No. 1, pg.15

We might even consider the impact the Missouri organization had, not only on the host of dime-novels of nineteenth-century America,30 but on the organization Brigham Young gave to the "Camp of Israel" at Winter Quarters in 1847 (D&C 136:2-11) and his continued stress on consecration and community building in the Great Basin.

SOURCE DESCRIPTION

One explanation for the lack of contemporary historical source dealing with Mormonism in Missouri in the period 1838-39 is that in times of crisis the struggle for survival interrupts the record-keeping process. Rockwood was one of those who did write during those difficult months. The Rockwood journal published here, covering the period between 6 October 1838 and 30 January 1839, is a series of journal entries sent in installments as letters to family members and friends in the area of Holliston, Massachusetts, where Rockwood had lived before he left for Missouri.

The text below is taken from three manuscripts: two housed in the LDS Church Archives in Salt Lake City and the third at the Yale University Library at New Haven, Connecticut. The Yale manuscript written in Rockwood's own hand, appears to be a copy recorded by him in a handmade notebook retained for his personal record. The manuscripts at the LDS Church Archives are a parallel version of Rockwood's journal-letters copied by Phineas Richards in Holliston, Massachusetts, from material he had evidently received from Rockwood and desired to pass on to his wife at West Stockbridge, Massachusetts. While the Yale and LDS manuscripts essentially cover the same time period, each contains textual differences not found in the other. In some instances, the text Rockwood sent to Richards is more explicit than the one he copied in his own notebook. But in two instances long additions are made in the notebook that do not appear in the Richards manuscripts

That the journal material sent by Rockwood was received and read in Massachusetts is seen in correspondence from that locality involving the Richards family. This correspondence also reveals the context in which the Richards copy was made and substantiates his having copied it. In a letter postmarked St. Louis, Missouri, on 1 January 1839, Franklin D. Richards, the seventeen-year-old son of Phineas Richards, reviewed his own experience in western Missouri for his parents in West Stockbridge. Among other things, Franklin told his parents details of the massacre at Haun's Mill, where his brother George had been killed. But for further information about events at Far West he referred them to the Church in Holliston, where, he said, Albert Rockwood "says he kept a daily journal of the whole transaction and sent it to them."31

Other references to the Rockwood journals are found in letters of Phineas Richards at Holliston to his wife, Wealthy, in West Stockbridge. After writing about the Haun's Mill Massacre and quoting Rockwood in a letter of 7 January 1839, Phineas adds, "I can not now write many of the particulars respecting the war, Brother Rockwood has kept a journal of all this transaction, and as soon as possible I shall transcribe the same and send or fetch it to Richmond for your benefit."32 Writing to his wife again on 21 January, Phineas introduces an extensive summary of news about "the troubles at the west" by giving his source:

Brother Rockwood keeps a journal of the proceedings there and when he gets a sheet filled he sends it out of the reach of their enemies to mail them and so they come regular. [T]hrough their hardest conflict letters did not pass and repass in mail, evil minded men detained them. Now he says they are more regular in going and comeing.33

The differences between the Rockwood manuscript at Yale and the Phineas Richards manuscripts at the LDS Church Archives indicate that Rockwood tailored different versions of his journal to different audiences. His method is seen from instructions he gave his father: "I have kept a Journal of what has been in this vicinity & sent it to Sister Bose [Vose] of Boston up to this date and requested her to let you have the reading of it which you have probably had before this. I shall now continue to you the Journal & request you to let her have the reading of it."

THE MANUSCRIPTS

Manuscript 1, located in the LDS Church Archives, contains entries from 6 October to 19 November 1838. It is written by Phineas Richards on unlined white paper, folded and sewed to make a twenty-four page booklet 16.5 cm. x 20 cm. The first seven pages and four lines are written in a dark bluish-green ink; the remainder is in dark brown ink. Dean C. Jessee and David J. Whittaker; BYU Studies Vol. 28, No. 1, pg.17

Manuscript 2, also housed in the LDS Church Archives, contains entries from 19 November to 2 December 1838, followed by a copy of a letter and poem written by Parley P. Pratt from Richmond, Missouri, dated 9 December 1838. It is written by Phineas Richards on white lined paper, folded and sewed to make a sixteen-page booklet 16.5 cm. x 20 cm. The writing is in brown ink, but the Pratt letter and poem are in a lighter shade. The last 5 3/4 pages of the booklet are blank. Someone other than the writer has numbered the pages, continuing the second manuscript in sequence after the first.

Manuscript 3 is located in the Albert P. Rockwood Papers, Coe Collection of Western Americana, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University, New Haven, Connecticut. This manuscript, in the handwriting of Albert P. Rockwood, is written on off-white, unlined paper in dark brown ink, folded and sewed to make thirty six pages measuring 24.5 cm. x 19.5 cm. The pages have mostly become unsewn. This manuscript covers the entire period of the other two, but with substantial differences in the text, including word changes, additions, and omissions. Where Manuscript 2 ends with the Parley P. Pratt letter and poem following the entry of 2 December 1838, Manuscript 3 continues with material dated in January 1839. The Yale manuscript is written on twenty-one unnumbered pages; the remainder of the notebook is blank.34

EDITORIAL METHOD

The featured text in this publication is Manuscripts 1 and 2, with substantive departures from Manuscript 3 given in the notes. However, two segments of Manuscript 3 become the featured text where that manuscript contains extensive new material. These lengthy insertions are enclosed in braces { }. The narrative is transcribed as written and punctuated in the manuscripts, so far as possible within the limits of modern printing. An exception: dates of the entries are made uniform and have been set apart from the rest of the text. Redundant repetitions of a few words are not preserved. Additions to the text for clarifications are enclosed in brackets [ ]. Insertions in the text appear in angle brackets < > at the point of insertion. Dean C. Jessee and David J. Whittaker; BYU Studies Vol. 28, No. 1, pg.18

What follows is an important primary source for Mormon history in Missouri. It is one of the few contemporary accounts of the last months of the Church in that state in 1838-39. In general it reveals the thoughts and commitments of a recent convert as well as the observations of a recently arrived emigrant in northern Missouri. It is clear that along with recording what he personally witnessed, Rockwood reported rumor and gossip that filtered into Far West during the fast-paced weeks of October and November 1838. His love for his people, his loyalty to his religion, and his indignation over the contemporary events that caused his people to suffer remain alive in his letters.

ALBERT P. ROCKWOOD

Manuscript 1

6 October 1838, Saturday.

Sister Vose35

Agreeable to my engagement to you I now proceed to give you a short journal of what is passing in this vicinity.36 When I was at st. Louis (sept 6) on my way to this place I learned by the public papers, that a mob was gathering to drive the Mormons out of Davies County, and seeing the excitement that prevailed it seemed not wisdom to be publicly known as a Mormon as I had on all my journey. I passed up the river without being publicly known and land-ed at De Witt which is 60 miles from Far West. while there a man came along notifying the Missourians to go to Davis County to drive the Mormons out of Adam-ondi-aman[.] [I] saw some of them making preperations &c.

About this time the Sherriff of Caldwell County took 40 stands of armes that were on the road to arm the mob. The Missourians gathered from all the upper Counties to join the mob to the number of several hundreds, they continued to incamp in various places for several miles round Adam-ondi-aman for about 2 weeks, taking some prisoners, robing and insulting in various ways many of the Brethren, and driving many from their homes that were scattered about the county, but thos[e] at the City of Adam-on-diaman were not molested only threatened[.] they were constantly under arms and on the watch[.] the Brethren went from this plase by hundreds to their relief. Far West was in a state of constant alarm for several days[.] the common was almost constantly covered with armed men, who were determined to maintain t[he]ir rights even at the expence of life. [p. 1]

The armies of Isreal37 are already acknowledged to be terible by the Missourians38 Three or four hundred of the Missourians malitia were called out to disperse the Mob which was done by the help of the brethren without coming to an engagement the Mob have now retired from Davis County with shame and disgrace. Great verry great fear rests on the Missourians in Davis county[.] they are now selling their property verry low to the Brethren. in many cases they sell their real Estate with their houses and crops on the ground for less than the crop is worth[.] Davis County is now considered in the possession of the Brethren. The real estate of the Brethren has risen while that of the Missourians has fallen 3/4 in three months, thus the Lord is preparing the way for his Children. Dean C. Jessee and David J. Whittaker; BYU Studies Vol. 28, No. 1, pg.19

One of the causes of the above was they Missourians refusing some of the Brethren the right of suffriage at an Election.39 The Missourians comenced beating the Brethren when they manfully defended themselves and sent an express to far west and in 12 hours the armies of Isreal were at the place of contention demanding peace which was restored for a few days only when the Mob began to gather.

Brother Joseph Smith Jr & Lyman White40 <were> at the head of the armey of Isreal that went up to the relief of the Brethren in Davies County. This armey that went up were without author<ity> [p. 2] by the laws of the land, and are therefore considered as breakers of the peace, Brother Joseph & B. White have been bound over for the sum of $500 each for their appearance at the higher Court but it is thought nothing more will be done with them but that remains yet to be Proved.41

Far West, is 25 miles from Adam-on-diahman. During the campain there was a station every few miles of men and horses between the two Cities to convey the news. This City was guarded at evry entrance, It was no uncommon thing to hear the trump of the Lord sound to call the armies of Isreal to armes. You would have laughed42 to have seen the fear that rested on the Missourians, on one occasion the malitia that were raised by <order of> the authority of the state in Clay County had occasion to pass through Far West, on their journey to suppress the mob at Adam-ondi-ahman. They sent their wise men to ask if they could be permitted to ride through our streets, the answer to them was that any peaceable citizen could freely pass, On the strength of this answer they mustered <up> courage enough to pass through[.] their number was 93[.] most of them looked rather sower. I supose it was because the law of the state obliges them to turn out and to suppress a mob against the Mormons. During the campaign an express came from the commander of the Malitia that he feared that most of his men would desert him and join the mob, but the mob was dispersed with out an [p.3] engagement, so they had not the chance to desert that many wish[ed] for.

During the campaign at Adam-ondi-ahman the Missourians sent Petitions & Depositions to the Governour43 representing that the Mormons were the worst of people that among other things they were murdering Robing &c.

And the honourable governour believed that the Mormons were all in the fault and the Missourians right[.] nor did he satisfactorily learn to the contrary untill he had actually raised 3000 troops and march[ed] with them to within 60 miles <of> F. West when to his astonishment he learned that the Mormons were not the agressors, but the defenders on the Laws of Missouri, but the very people that had been sending there depositians & petitions were the Murderers and Robbers & the all manner of evil people people that they had been representing the Mormons to be. He then left us to continue about our own buisness and returned home, instead of searching out and bringing to justice the vilinous Mobacrats. The Govennour arrived a few days after the[y] was dispersed. I suppose that the time and other expences of this campaign has cost the City of Far West more than $3,000[.] the Brethren in Davies County have suffered much more loss than in Caldwell County.

Among other things the Brethren have been represented to be enemies to our Country44 and the Laws of Missouri but [p. 4] the test of this is come bringing shame on our accusers. For about this time the Governour issued his Proclimation for a large amount of Malitia to be raised and held in readiness to march against the Indians at a moments warning. Caldwell County was called upon to furnish 63 men. the Malitia were all warned to meet at Far West to beet for volunteers and a deficiency was to be filled by draft, they acordingly assembled and one beet was made when, ab[o]ut twice the required sum was immediately raised by volunteers. Proving to the state that we are ready to suppress foreign invasion as well as internal Mobs. It was with difficulty some of the Mob Counties could raise men to an[s]wer the Pr[o]climation.

Permanent arrangements are now making for constant imployment for both Male & Female by the operation of Church firms which are about being extensively established[.] the members leas[e] all their real Estate (save their City lots) to the firm to which they belong for a term of years, from 10 to 99 without any consideration or interest.45 Personal Estate is put in on nearly the same condition[.] Evry member that join[s] is to put in all he has over & above his needs and wants for his present stewerdship, in all cases each person is morally bound to pay his honest debts before leaving. The calculation is for the Brethren to dwell in the City & cultivate the [p.5] land in the vicinity in fields many miles in extent or from city to City. The Brethren own most of Caldwell County. most of it is or probably will be leased to the firms.

City Lots are owned by the Bishop of the Church46 untill sold for private stewardship. All kinds of necessary articles will soon be manufactured by these firms. that we be under no necesity of purchasing of our Enemies. The firms furnish Constant imploy for all who join them and pay $1.00 per day for a mans work.

Any surpluss that may remain after paying the demands of the firm is to be divided according to the needs and wants (Not according to the property invested) to each family, Annually or oftener if needed. The firms have put in verry large lots of wheet this fall but the season for sowing is nearly over, and the Brethren, will soon go to building up the City[.] many houses will be built this fall. The operations of these firms enables a man to get a comfortable house in a verry few days47 when he gets about it. 1st by his working for the firm 70 or 80 days then the firm turn out stone cutters, Teams, Carpenters Maysons &c. to complete the House and nearly evry thing (save the land,) is paid for by the a mans own labor day for day.

Arrangements will soon be made that a person can get [p.6] every necessary to Eat, Drink, Live in or & to wear, at the store house of the firms, and the best part of it all is that they want no better pay than labor. Arrangements are making that no person shall have the excuse for not laboring, nothing to do, nor shall the idler eat the bread of industry. It is a time of union & peace in the Church. But Rob, Mob, & Plunder [are] in the vicinity.

Crops are verry good, it is said there is corn enough in Caldwell Co. to last the inhabitance and the Emigration 2 years but preperations are making for 10 fold larger crops next year. This is truly a delightsome County[.] the air & warter is verry good.48

I will now give you a plan of the City. The publick square in the center contains 10 acres, the 4 main streets are each 8 rods wide, the others are 6 rod wide. The squares contain 4 acres each, and are calculated for 4 Buildings,49 (streets [are] mark[ed] 1st, 2d, 3d, 4th North st also East, south, and West)

The City is situated on a high roling Praary the timber is on Shoal & Goose crick which are from 2 to 4 miles and nearly surrounds the City.

This plan is the first square mile of the City[.] it is continued out on the sam plan. The House of the Lord is to stand in the center of the Public square[.] the corner stone was laid [p.7] on the 4th of July last. Most of the lots in the first square mile are sold. City lots can be bought 2d handed but it is thought not advisable to purchase only of the Bishop. Plenty of lots [are] yet for sale in [the] 2d mile which brings the nighest lots 1/2 mile to the square. Those that wish to purchase lots in F[ar]. W[est]. would do well to purchase soon for if the war which is now blackning on all sides should abate the lots would sell verry fast.50 Lotts cost 30 to 60 Dol[lars] (work on the Lords House pay[s] for lots.) this is the pay the Bishop desires of those that can-not pay the money.51

14 October 1838, Sunday.

soon after the Mob was dispersed in Davis county they began to assemble at De Witt in Carrilton Co. an express came from that Place here a week last Thursday52 night r[e]questing assistance & Council[.] Friday morn Capt. Brunson53 started with 42 men all mounted and well armed, he was hailed by the Mob that were encamped near De Witt but they passed on and arived in safety at De Witt[.] On Friday afternoon another company started under Brother Joseph.

The attack54 was made on De Witt by taking Elder Humphreys55 family and burning his house[.] he lived about 1 1/2 mile[s] from the landing which is headquarters, several scattering shots were made at the Brethren during 3 or 4 of the first days, no damage save making holes in their Clothing. [p.8] One heavy charge was receivd from the Mob when the brethren returned the fire and killed 4 Missorians, The Campaign lasted about a week when a treaty <of peace> was made with the Mob and the Brethren have left the place. De Witt was not an appointed stake of Zion, but was designed as a Port of Landing on [the] Missouri river[.] it contained about 10 or 12 families of the Brethren when I Passed through on my way to this place.

The engagement at Davis has probably cost them more in time and damage than $2000.56 It is geting verry unsafe for the Mormon[s] to traven [travel] in small companies in Carrilton Ray & Seline Countise[.] A camp that are on the way to this place have been stoped near Grand River by a Mob nearly a week. The Missourian women partake of the same spirit of the Mobacrats, their husbands[.] they have been seen & heard by the sisters of the Church to threaten their lives by brandishing their knives and hatchets &c.

Emigration to the stakes of Zion is verry great[.] almost every day witnesseth from 1 to 30 teams with furniture & families[.] Teniment room verry scirce in this place, many families have to live in their tents & waggon The houses are mostly made of logs and generally contain as many famalies and rooms and in many cases more[.] The houses are mere shanties[.] they cost from 30 to 80 days work [of] 1 man besides from ten to fifty Dollars in Cash[.]57 not more than 20 or 30 houses have been built since the first of Sept. the Brethren have been more than 1/2 of the time in dispersing Mobs which are almost continually about us, They have [p.9] not yet dared to come on us at Far West but actak [attack] the weaker parts

During the campaign at De Witt the Brethren called upon the Governour for protection but instead of turning out with his 3,000 Troops as he did when he suposed the Mormons were in fault only a few days before, He says to them settle your own difficulties

The Governour was one of the leading characters in driving the Brethren from Jackson Co in 1838 [1833]58

Some of the officers of malitia did harm to themselves in trying to get the malitia to disperse the Mob but they found <them> Mob at heart and <they> were ordered home.59

15 October 1838, Monday.

The Brethren have all returned from De Witt[.] the Mob is now assembling again in Davies Co[.] they have sworn in their wrath that evry Mormon shall leave the County. Adam-ondi-ahman & Seth are 1 stake of Zion and will not be so easily surrendered. Seth is 12 miles from this place.60 A meeting was called this day to make arrangements for the defence of the Brethren in Davies Co. Oaur lives Honours & Fortunes are pledged to defend the constitution of the U.S.A. and our individual rights and our Holy Religion. the strong bands of union appear to be wreathed around the heart of evry man & woman, come life or come death come what will[.] here we stand or here we die is the will of the Lord. [P.10] Here the Hoary headed sire and the stripling youth gird on their armor and for the field prepare. Death appears to have lost its terrour among the armies of Isreal.

19 October 1838, Friday.

About 300 of the Brethren are gone to Davies Co. to the relief of the Brethren[.] No Battle as yet, the Brethren are gathering into the Cities in haste. Brother Joseph says things here are all right

Dean C. Jessee and David J. Whittaker; BYU Studies Vol. 28, No. 1, pg.22

A meeting was called this day[.] the Brethren here consecrated Beef, Corn, Wood, & finally they do freely impart to those that have need. Finally here is a time and place that tries men['s] souls. the wicked have no place in Zion. Much property has been consecrated in the last 2 months.61 The Mob have cannon in Davies Co. which the Brethren have are determined to take. They have taken ab[o]ut 40 stands of armes.

N .B. I was bitten by a Dog 2 weeks ago Last Thursday and have not walked much since.

21 October 1838, Sunday.

Proclimation was made this day that Orson Hyde offrd had apostatized[.] he left the place last night and left a letter for one of the Brethren which let out the secret.62

22 October 1838, Monday.63

Beloved parent64 Far West is the head quarters of the Mormon war. the armies of Isreal that were established by revelation65 from God are seen from my door evry day with their Captains of 10.s 50.s & 100. A portion of each Day is set apart for drill. after which [p. 11] they go to their several stations (VIZ.) 2 Companies of 10.s are to provide the famalies with meal[,] 2 provide wood[,] 2 or 3 Build cabbins[,] 1 Company of 10.s collect & prepare armes, 1 company provide me[a]t, 1 Company are spies, one Company are for express, 1 for guard[,] 2 Companies are to gather in the famalies that are scattered over the counties in the vicinity[,] 1 company is to see to & provide for the sick, and the famalies of those that are off on duty[,] Others are employed in gathering provisions into the city &c &c.

Those companies are called Danites66 because the Prophet Daniel has said they shall take the kingdom and possess it for-ever67

23 October 1838, Tuesday.

Last night about 7 o'clock the cavelry that went from this place to Adam-ondi-ahman came in under the tune of Yanke Doudle, their number was about 130[.] these are the horsmen of Isreall, President Rigdon68 gave them a short address suited to the occation when all the people said Amen.

The Mob have been dispersed by the Brethren nor have they had any assistance from the Malitia neither do we desire any (at least not without it is better than what we have had)

The Missourians have nearly al[l] left Davies Co[.] fear rest[s] down upon them and they flee when no man pursueth. [p.12]

News came in this morning that the Bretheren had taken the cannon, they found it buried in the ground[.]69 the Brethren are fast returning from the Northern Campaign with hearts overflowing with joy[.] not a drop of blood has been spilt nor a gun fired as I have heard of, the Mob dispersed by 100ds on the approach of the Danites.70

The word of the Lord was [received] several months since for the saints to gather into the cities but they have been slow to obey untill the judgments were upon them71 and now they are gathering by flight and haste, leaving all and are glad to get off at that[.] the City of Far West is literally crowded and the Brethren are gathering from all quarters. This day while Jessee72 & Elisabeth73 were in school the trustees came to them and requested them to give up the house for families[.] it was no sooner done, than 6 famalies drove up with their goods and took possession. Here is no place for Idlers[.] evry man is at work. women take turns in cooking for the soldiers. when a soldiers duty is done for the day on parade he retires to the corn-field74 or wherever his duty may be. The main cloud75 is not quite so black now as it was sunday & Monday.

24 October 1838, Wednesday.

Last night the Mail came and brought papers but not a single letter to any person[.] it is supposed they were stoped by some evil minded person or persons. it is nothing unexpected to us that it is stoped, hereafter letters from you to us may be verry irregular. [p.13] But from us to you they may be more regular as we can send them out of the City before we mail them. I wish you all to be verry particular in acknowledging letters that are sent that we may know what you have receivd.

Provisions are low, here Corn is 20 Cts per bushel, Beans 1.00 Wheat 87 1/2 Cts [blank] .31 Apples .75 Butter 12 1/2 per lb Honey .7 Beef 2 to 4 Cts Wood $2.00 per cord Pork 3 to 4 Cts per lb. soap is the hardest necessary to be got, Bar soap is worth 18 3.4 per lb. soft soap is from 7 to 10 Cts per lb which is about $1.00 per gallon, salt is 12 1/2 Cts per qt. saluratus 25 per lb Milk nothing but is geting rather skirse.76 Pumpkins are verry plenty by going a few miles, good squashes are plenty of the 1st quality. verry little of domestic fruit is raised within 20 miles.

Medical herbs are reather scirce bring on Lobelia, Babary Rasbury, slipery Elm, Composition, bitters, & Hot drops, Peneroyal77 is plenty, Bring a good stock of Rasbury.

Clothing is twice as high hear as at the East,78 shoes also. 3 Months since 1 per cent would insure goods from St. Louis to this place but now thought is thought worth 25 per cent. Indeed perilous times have verily come, and it is at the Risk of our lives that we go to the landing for our goods.

The word of the Lord is now for the saints to gather to Zion in haste,79 it has been not to flee in haste or by flight but to have all things prepared before them. And now we <all> say to you and all of the Chirch to make speed and haste to Zion (se[e] doctrin & Covenant Page 128 Section 15)80 [p. 14]

25 October 1838, Thursday.

Last night about 12 O.Clock the drumms beat to armes. it was caused by the arival of the news, that the Mob had taken 2 of our spies[.]81 70 horsmen started for the encampment of the Mob, about 8 miles, arived at 3 OClock within 2 miles. left their horses, went on foot. they were fired upon by the Mob[.]82 one man was wounded the first fire, about 70 of the Mob fired the second time from behind the river bank, 4 of the brethren [were] wounded at this shot, (among was David Patting83 1 of 12) a rush was now made by the Brethren on the Mob[.] a short but terible conflict ensued, in 2 minutes the Mob were making their way up the oposit bank, several of the Mob were left dead between the banks, [we] took 1 prisnor84 the rest escaped to the woods leaving about 70 horses with sadels & bridles, some Armes Blankets Tents Waggons &c. which were taken as the spoil of our enemyes. Several of the Brethren of the were slightly wounded and 5 dangerously, 3 of which if saved, must be by a miracle.85

Last night the Mob burnt a number of houses in a bout 4 miles of here.86 The spies were found in the camp of [the] Mob as prisners and set at liberty, one slightly wounded in [the] shoulder.87 the other was Elder Greens son.88

27 October 1838, Saturday.

This is a solemn day to us 2 of the wounded Brethren Buried David Patten & a young man of 18[.]89 Brother Gideon Carter90 has been missing since the battle. Untill last Night when he was found near the battle ground shot through the head. The Mob have sloped a No. of famalies 27 miles from here among them is Brother Joseph Youngs91 and many others. in fact it is a common thing, by Mob, [p.15]

28 October 1838, Sunday.

I will now give a discription of the battle on the 25[.] The number of the Brethren engaged in the Battle [was] 55[.]92 one division of 15 [was] not in the engagement. The Mob No. [was] about 80. a Methodist Minister93 and about 10 men fled,94 which left about 70 in the engagement[.] The Mob had advantage by the lay of [the] land and rivers bank. The Brethren were wounded as follows, (VIZ.) 3 in the Bowels, 1 in the neck, 1 in the shoulder, 1 Through the hips, 1 through both thighs, 1 in the arm, all by musket shot.

Befor the Brethren jumped down the bank, 1 Br. had his arm broke by a <cut of> sword down the bank. Brother Gideon Carter was shot in the head and died on the spot.95 the best information obtain'd is <between> 20 and 30 of the Mob died on the ground.96

A more severe battle perhaps never was fought when we consider the smallness of the number, and the shortness of the time which was about 1 1/2 minutes

Now Father, come to Zion and fight for the religion of Jesus[.] many a hoary head is97 engaged here, the Prophet goes out to the battle as in days of old. he has the sword that Nephi took from Laban.98 is not this marvellous? well when you come to Zion you will see <& learn> many marvellous things, which will strengthen your faith, and which is for the edification of all the saints. The Prophet has unsheathed his sword and in the name of Jesus declares that it shall not be sheathed again untill he can go unto any County or state in safety and in peace.

Dean C. Jessee and David J. Whittaker; BYU Studies Vol. 28, No. 1, pg.25

29 October 1838, Monday.

The war cloud is blackning around us. [p.16]

30 October 1838, Tuesday.

This P.M. 3. O'Clock an express came in stating that an army99 more than a mile in length was approaching. which soon made its appearance. They marched over goos river & formed a line of battle within 1 mile of us. They armies of Isreal were soon in battle array to receive them. Seeing we wer ready to give them battle they withdrew & incamped in the woods near by for the night, a flag of truce came in saying they pitied our deplorable condition and requested 2 famalies to be delivered to them &c.--That was all the favor they asked of us, immediate distruction is threatened us. the famalies that were asked for chose rather to share the fate of the Saints in the City. About 4 fires can be seen in our enemies Camp. the family100 went up to see them this evening

31 October 1838, Wednesday.

A strong gard was posted around the City last night & a fortification built on the south side, the men were nearly all e[m]ployed in guarding & fortyfying the City[.] little or no sleep in City last night, Women were e[m]ployed in looking & picking the most valuable articles supposing a terible battle would take place in the morning and perhaps evry house fired. About 8 O Clock our enemy salied forth in line of Battle, but seeing our fortifications and probably knowing that we had been reinforced by about 100 men during the night again retreated (we have at this time about 500 men.) (And our enemies about 1700) during the day our enemies receivd a reinforcement of about 1500 men. Our spies come in evry few hours and bring news of the depridations of the Mob in evry [p.17] quarter for many miles round. About 4, O'Clock this P.M. our enemies again salied forth forth for battle they came within gun shot, then withdrew, then sallied forth again, the work of death appeared to be before us, An armey of 2200 horse & more than a 1000 foot was now brought before our City which had less than 600 men to defend it, we knew their determination was to exterminate us, & all made up our minds to defend our City untill the last man should fall to the ground, Our determination was known to our Enemies, as there were some that turned traitors.101 Our Enemies <feard> the distruction that was nigh at hand & sent a flag of truce to this effect. That they would delay102 the City for the Night. if we would surrender Joseph Smith Jr., Sidney Rigdon, P.P. Pratt,103 & George W. Robinson104 as hostages untill to morrow morning at 8 OClock. when they are all to be returned.105 You may now imagine to yourself the solemnity that now rests upon us, we have the promise that but little blood will be shed at this time, but God only knows how we are to be delivered, this promise was made last Tuesday The Governour has long since refused us any aid, but he has now come out openly against us, and given leave for all to go against the Mormons that wish, the Mob take great liberty from this,106

1 November 1838, Thursday.

Last night a treaty in part was made, we have all given up our armes & surren[d]ered ourselves as pris[on]ors, our enemies now guard our City that no man pass in or out. 400 <men> remained for this purpose [p.18]

2 November 1838, Friday.

several of the leading members of this Church have been taken to Jackson Co gaol [jail].107

News came in that a Mob had fallen on the Brethren at Hauns Mill about 18 miles from <here> they killed 15 on the ground 3 more have died of their wounds & several more are severely wounded, there was about 30 of the Brethren at this place[.] those of the Brethren that were not killed or wounded have made their escape as they could being hunted by the Missourians like wild beasts[.] Among the killed was Brother Phinehas Richards son108 that was about 15 years of age, Br. Joseph Young was at the place with his family, he made his escape amidst a shower of Bullets and arived in this City the day the Massacree took place (Tuesday P.M.)109 none of the Mob were kill[ed] as we can learn. the Mob consisted of about 300[.] the Br were taken on surprise

3 November 1838, Saturday.

It is truly a solem time in Caldwell & Davis Countys, more than 50 of the Brethren have been prisners in our enemies camp[.] where they are now we know not, save a few of them, one man was bruised and brought into the City and has since died of the wound. 2 have been killed & the last we knew of them they were un buried nor would the Mob suffer them to be buried, a few have been set at liberty, but the most of them are yet among the missing. the Lord only [p.19]

4 November 1838, Sunday.

Gen Clark110 has this day arrived with 1600 men as malitia 600 more are within eight miles.

More than 6000 men have been in Far West in one week. [On] Orders from the govennour to exterminate the Mormons, the Brethren are hunted as wild game and shot down, severeal have been shot in site of the City, womin are ravished and their houses rifled, one woman has been killed within less than 2 miles of this City, we are here as captives strictly guarded by the Malitia[.] no person is allowed to go out of the City.

5 November 1838, Monday.

The captives sons of Zion were paraded this day and the names of 51 that were present were called and they ordered to the front as prisners to receive their trial for some thing they know not what, they are kept under close guard this night, not permited to go to their houses without a gard of 3 soldiers. The Governor and all our enemies are determined that we shall not gather togather, but shall be scattered or exterminated (at least from the state.,)

6 November 1838, Tuesday.

The Brethren that were ordered out yesterday, take up their march for Richmond, verry few know what they are accused of. we are completely in the hands of our enemies. they are our Judges, Jurors, & Executioners. God only can deliver and we that are firm have only to wait and see the salvation of God. These troubles make a sifting in the Church[.] many have denied the faith, but they are those that were week before [p. 20] in most cases[.] some however have denied111 that have long been in good standing. Among those is Thomas B. Marsh112 he is one of the 12 and Jared Carter113 is on the main.

The Brethren at Adam-ondi-ahman are in like condition with us[.] the Malitia guard them to keep off the Mob. They have agreed to guard them 10 day[s] in which time they all cal[c]ulate to leave the Co. they are scattering verry fast. mostly to Caldwell Co. Davis Co. contains about 300 famalies of the Brethren.

10 November 1838, Saturday.

The armey that approached our City on the 30 were all Mob under colour of Malitia voluntarily collected from the upper Counties, and placed themselves under Malitia officers. this army murdered, plundered, & distroyed.

A few of this army was rais[ed] by draft and officered like respectable men and it was probab[l]y through their means inf[l]uance that evry body & evry thing pertaining to the Mormons were not distroyed[.] The other Malitia that have visited us have a more respectable appearence. General Clark came last Sunday with about 3000 men but has now retired.

10,500 men have been called into the field by the governour, with orders to exterminate the Mormons. but the Officers [k]new the order to exterminate was unlawful therefore they have taken the responsibility to make treaties.

The Governour has also ordered 19,500 men to stand ready at a moment114 against a little hand ful of Mormons. [p.21]

Br. Joseph and the rest of the prisners that were taken to Jackson Co were treated with great politeness & Hospitality[.]115 instead of being killed & buried on the Temple Lot (as their enemies said they should) they Preached on the Temple lot which is the fulfilment of a prophesy spoken several months since.

11 November 1838, Sunday.

The Brethren have returned from Jackson Co. by order of Gen. Clark as it was not lawful to take them to that Co. for trial. they are now at richmond 40 miles from Far West. about 60 of the Brethren are at Richmond waiting their trial, we are not able to learn what they are accused of, some of them are in Irons.116

Some thing like 30 of the Brethren have been killed and about 100 are missing but we are in hopes that they are not killed[.] we had a heavey fall of snow on the 17 & 18 of Octr also on the 7 & 8 of Novr. also several small fluries of since. It has been verry cold for a month past the ground is and has been frosen, several inches for a number of weeks. It has been colder for a month past than the winter months will average at the East. My family are well. I have not done a days work for 44 days[.] we have enough for comfort. we must learn to bear affliction for it is of the Lord. as a people of our afflictions are great[.] those that remain firm have no desire to raturn to Babylon.117

19 November 1838, Monday.

Broth[er] Joseph Smith is indited for high treason and 7 others with him. [p. 221 among the number is P.P. Pratt[.] they are confined in chains[.] the court has been in session one week and as yet have found nothing to condem the Prophet. Christ told his disciples they should be brought before rulers for his name sake, and if the Prophet should be condemned to die it would be no more than was done to Christ & his Apostles.

MANUSCRIPT 2

19 November 1838, Monday.

Brother Nurse,118 & Church in Holliston,

I last Saturday closed a sheet containing a Journal of what is passing in this vicinity & directeted it to Father Haven119 if there has ben no interuption in the Mail that has reached you before this will, this is a continuation of the journal & I wish you to shew or read it to the Brethren

I direct my journal to different individuals hoping that each will make it their buisness to let others of the Brethren know what is going on

Yesterday was a pleasant day yet it did not thaw enough to cause the icicles to drop from the south caves of [our] house. Our crops are mostly in the field, Potatoes not dug are frose solid, verry little work has been done here for 8 weeks we have all been mostly employed in keeping the Mobs from burning our houses.

As our religion is different from all others, we recieve different treatment from the world and this very thing confirms us in the faith once delivered to the saints and now delivered to us. Notwithstanding our great trials & tribulations, God is working all things to his honour & glory. Therefore be not shaken at what I wrote in my last, but do even as we. Lift up your heads & rejoice knowing these things will precede the coming of our Saviour, [p.24] [Brethren] pray for us for we have to wrestle not only against [page torn]ad but against principalities, & powers, against the [rulers o]f the darkness of this world, against gross wickedness in high places.120

We are captives we have sold ourselves for nought yet we pray to be redeemed without money. (Isaiah 52-3) we hasten that we <may> be loosed and that we should not die in the pit, and that our bread should not fail (Isaiah 51-14)121 The Br[rethren] have nearly all left Davies Co. Our Enemies have ordered us to leave Caldwell Co. immediately but we are slow to obey and look unto God for deliverance.

We came by order of the Lord & shall go from here at his command[.] it is our gathering that excites the indignation of our enemies & they are determined to prevent it but it is of the Lord and who can hinder? Yet we may be scattered and driven, but God is able to redeem us even from Babylon (Micah 4-10)

We are captives in a defenceless condition, suffering the insult, of our Enemies daily, by their comeing among us & taking what or who they please & that too without any precept, or authority[.] our only defence is the helmet of salvation & the sword of the spirit, for whi[c]h we are imbasinders [ambassadors] in bonds

Brethren we are not in darkness that these tribulations should overtake us as a thief in the night, but we are the Children of light & of the day, Therefore let us not sleep as do others but let us wa<c>th [watch] and pray. [p.25]122

25 November 1838, Sunday

We are here nearly secluded from what is passing in the world around us[.] our mail comes to us now and we should be verry glad to have you send some of your eastern papers after you have read them. I have seen a Boston paper in which was a slip like this, (the citizens [of] Davis Co called on the citizen[s] of Ray, for arms to defend themselves against the Mormons. it was answered by their turning out 40 guns[.] while these were on the way the Mormons took them and brought them to Far West.)123 But the fact was the Mob in Ray Co. went to the U.S. armory and took the 40 guns which they easily had access to as they were left so they could be stolen, probably by design. and while in the act of conveying them to the Mob in Davis Co. the Sherriff of Caldwell Co. took them and brought them to Far West, & after a court of enquiry returned them to the armoury from whence they were taken.124

I have seen & heard of other slips but I have seldom seen or heard of one but what was so colloured so as to give a wrong impression. Our houses are rifled & our sheep & hogs, & horses and [are] drove of[f] before our eyes by the Missourians who come in in small companies well armed. here is no law for poor Mormons.

At Hauns Mill the battle that I spoke of in my last, is a massacre instead of a battle as the Bretheren were in [p. 26] mostly in an unarmed condition, pages of history do not record such scenes of cruelty among civilized people save among Pirats, their cruelty has been renewed by driving the defenceless women & Children from their homes, on the vast wild prairie where they wandered through the snow for 2 days many of the Children were bear foot nor had they any food during this time. More than 100 famalies have been stoped near the Missourie River by the Mob. they are determined to stop the gathering. My pen fails to describe the percicutions and afflictions that the unbelieving Missourians are permitted to inflict upon us.--

The half can not be told[.] the blood of innocence cries from the ground. Perhaps I have written more than some of you can bear. So let me turn from the scene and ask the little Church125 in whose tribulations I have shared while with you and is still twined around my heart, are you prepared for such scenes as we have to pass[?]

Are you willing to leave your splended houses and take the Log Hut or the less convenient Tent[?] Are you willing to leave the present luxuries, & take our coarse but healthy fare of Corn bread & Beef? will you divide the last loaf with a Brother that is needy. Can you be willing to be driven from Co[unty]. to Co. with not where to lay your head? Are you ready literally to spend & be spent in the cause of Christ. Are you ready to lay down your [p. 27] lives as many <of the Brethren> have done within these last few weeks

Finally are you ready to be made perfect through suffering even as Christ[?] If you are ready for all this you are fit subjects of Zion. You need not think to come here & be wafted into the Celestial Kingdom on flowery beds of ease. But remember that after much tribulation cometh the blessing[.] You know but little about the refiners fire in Zion, therefore prepare for the worst & hope for the best. Our troubles are blowing the chaff of the Church to the four winds. And our prayer is she may be made clean evry whit. News came in this morning126 that 22 of the Prisoners at Richmond were set at liberty, no cause of action to require a defence by them. The Brethren that are & have been confined have been charged with evry crime from high treason down to petty Larceny.

(A few of the Brethren & Sisters met to day for prayers. A part of a Revelation was read which was given a year a go last July and sent to the Elders in England. concerning the judgments which were to be poured out upon the Nations like a whirlwind commencing at the house of the Lord, after that upon those who profess to know his name, but know it not127

The Pestilence was in our midst last summer, & now the sword, and if the men should be employed for months to come as they have been for 2 months past famine will stare us in the face.128

{Dear Sister, I must write a few lines to you in this for in imagination I am often with you in conversation & the rest of the little band of persecuted Saints in Holiston, we are seperated far apart but I feel it will be but for a short time before I shall greet my Friends in Zion, You will learn from this & other letters which we have sent to Mass. of the trials & afflictions which we have passed thro in this place they are grevious

Dear Sister to the Flesh but in our spirits we do rejoice, amidst tribulation, knowing assuredly that if we are faithful, it will be for our salvation.--

The scenes which we have passed thro of late is a bright evidence that the work in which we have enlisted is of the Lord, for these things must all be before the comeing of Christ, Pestilence, Sword, Blood, Famine, & Fire commenced at the Lords House among the Saints, & will shortly be upon those who profess to know & love him & love him & know him not.--

Yes like a whirlwind from Heaven, then gather to Zion, do not be slow to hear his voice.--The saints will soon have to come at the peril of their lives[.]

We all feel anxious for the Church at Holiston, that they should dispose of their property & assist each other to Zion without delay, as soon as the roads are passable in the Spring.--

Yesterday was appointed by Father Smith as a day of Fasting & Prayer.--I attended meeting it was a verry interesting & solemn day to us, we felt it was a day to humble ourselves in the dust before God, Our prophet & Presidency are taken from us. Many of our Brethren are taken from their Wives & children & are in bondage, while many wives & children mourn over the Departure of Husbands & Fathers that have sealed their testimony for Jesus with their blood.--In meeting 1 Lady sung in Tongues & another arose & interpreted.--

The Patriarch whished us to be humble and united at a throne of Grace[.] he also remarked that the sword was unsheathed & could not be sheathed again until sin was swept from the face of the Earth & Christ come to reign with his saints, Our Prophet & Brethren are now brought before the Govenor & Rulers of this state & no doubt they will soon be brought before Kings & Nobles for their Testimony of Jesus, many of the Brethren could not endure the trials which we have had to pass thro, they have turned aside & will probably walk no more with us in Zion

The stakes of Zion is the shore for the net which is cast forth into the world, & gather of every kind & these trials will purge the Church & cast much of the bad away but not all for Christ says that the Tares shall grow with the wheat until the harvest.--Be faithful to warn sinners, while you remain in New England for the time is short for them to hear the Gospel sound.--

The warning voice has gone forth and after the testimony of my servants saith the Lord Cometh the Testimony of thunder-ings, Lightnings, Earthquakes, Wars, Bloodshed & Famine, the testimony of Judgements have now commenced129 & like a whirlpool will sweep our inhabitants off the U. States.--

The Patriarch observed last fast day that the time would soon come when a man should be considered of more value than a talent of gold for God would assuredly make the earth empty & waste by Judgements & but very few would be left.--We often speak of the anxiety that we have that the Saints in Holiston should make all possiable exertion to come to Missouria & assist those who cannot assist themselves.--

Do not delay to make speed, we all sometimes want to pluck you out of Babylon.--Do not let the Scourges of Zion weaken your faith[.] these things will all work out for the purifying of the church from dross & the ultimate Glory of God, do not wait to think think to wait till Zion is built up before you come, but come & help build it, for verily thus saith the Lord it is my will it should be built up by the gathering of my saints--If we hope to reign with Christ on earth with Abraham, Isac, & Jacob, Jeremiah, Daniel & others, who have come up out of much tribulation we must also be willing to come up thro tribulation that our garments may be washed in the blood of the Lamb.}130 [Dean C. Jessee and David J. Whittaker; BYU Studies Vol. 28, No. 1, pg.31]

A. P. Rockwood [p.28]

2 December 1838, Sunday.131

To the Church. I Albert P. again resume my pen to continue this journal. Last Tuesday132 6 of the Brethren were set at liberty & on Wednesday 6 more no cause of action being found. The Brethren that were chained found favor and had their irons taken off last Sunday & were permitted to board at the Tavern, instead of having the gaol fare.

The other Brethren are feebly guarded, & frequently they have no guard at all (these other Br. have not been in the gaol for want of room but have been kept in the Court House under a strong guard)133 We conclude they have not found them as guilty as they were in hopes for, And would be glad to have them run away to get clear of them, But the Brethren know their innocence and will not leave untill they are discharged.

All the Mormons in Caldwell & Davies Co. have been taken captive unless we would deny the faith. Those that deny the f[a]ith have gone clear.

More than 100 of [the] Br have been taken into close custerday[.] all but 24 have been discharged without making a defence. These 24 have been called upon to defend themselves against the charges aledged. But none of them saw fit to make any defence at all, they were therefore recommitted or bound over for their appearance at the higher Court. There they will defend themselves if necessary.

The Br. supposed it would <be> of little use to make a defence at this Court & knew it would jeapardize the lives of the witnesses.134 [P. 29]

Most of the Brethren that were let to Bail have obtained it and returned to their families. Joseph Smith Jn Hiram Smith Sidney Rigdon P.P. Pratt Lyman Wight and a few others were not let to Bail and are now in gaol to wait their trial at the higher Court in March next.135

I observed in my last that something like an 100 of the Br. were among the missing, probably some of them are killed, but it is hoped that most of them are in the field lifting up their voises in the Congregations of the wicked,136 we know not where137 they are among the Gentiles or Lamanites, But verry few of them have been heard of.138

Parley P. Pratt's Letter 139

Richmond, Ray County Decr 9

Dear Sister

You will doubtless have read much of the troubles long ere this reaches you. Respecting the things where of you wrote unto me be assured that such things are not named among us here[.] Brother Joseph is in full fellowship & the Church has more confidence in him if possible than ever before--Our troubles are sufficient to unite us <firmer> in the bonds of union. The whole state of Missouri has risen up to destroy us from the face of the Earth or drive [p.30] us from the State by orders from the Gov. From 30 to an 100 saints have been slain & about a dozen of us are now in chains (VIZ) Joseph Smith Hyrum Smith Lyman White [Wight] S Rigdon myself and others We have all been sentenced to be shot without Judge or Jewry [jury] & the day set But God did not suffer it. We have been confined about 6 weeks, they design to hang or imprison us if they can. But what will be our fate God only Knows. The apostates have sworn to murder & Treason & almost evry thing against us which never entered our hearts to say or do but we are in the hands of God.

MUCH PROPERTY PLUNDERED WOMEN VIOLATED

Much property has been plundered, provision distroyed Chastity of women violated houses burned, woman & Children fired <up>on & some slain. About 14 thousand men have been in motion against us.

DISSENTERS LIST

The dissenters are the worst to plunder & rob Murder & swear falsely. I give a list of some noted apostates (VIZ.)

Oliver Cowdery,140

David Whitmer,141

John Corrill,142

George M. Hynkle,143

W. A. Cowdary144 & famaly Doct. Avard145 and a vast many others have gone to rise no more. Iniquity abound & the love of many wax cold--

But he that indureth to the end the same shall be saved, for my part, I feel more firm than ever in the faith of Jesus I fear not what man can do, I only fear him who is able to deal with soul & body. If I live I am [p.31] determined to live unto Christ, and to die is to leave a world of sorrow & go to rest in the paradice of God, with a shure and a certain hope of standing in the flesh upon the Earth with my redeemer in the latter day.

My dear sister if such news as this will streangthen you, you will be strong but all the prosperity which Earth can afford will never sanctify a Church of Saints, neither would any thing but suffering prepare them for fit companions for those who wandered in sheepskins & Goat Skins being destitute, afflicted, to[r]mented, or of those who had trials of cruel mocking, scourges, stripes & imprisonments, or of those who were beheaded for the witness of Jesus, or, who were slain for the witness & testimony of Jesus who loved not their lives unto death. If judgment has begun at the house of God, what will the world do: for peace in [is] now taken from the Earth. and the saints hardly escape.

How long before the Lord will avenge the Blood of his saints on them that dwell on the Earth I know not. But he said to the souls under the Alter that they should rest for a little season till their fellow servants who were to be slain as they were should be fulfild: If this is all that vengence is waiting for it need wait no longer for the [p.32] Blood of Latter Day Saints is now mingled with the Blood of Former Day Saints. in cries to heaven for vengence upon an Ungodly World--

As it respects the glories of the Kingdom of God in things whereof you write unto me it is not wisdom for me to write it [at] present, suffice to say that all things which are written by the Prophets must be fulfilled[.] they that have ears to hear let them hear

P. P. Pratt

As down a lone Dungeon with darkness orespread

In silence and sorrow I made my lone bead [bed]

Far far from the scenes of confusion retired

While hope from this bosom had almost expired.

From all that is lovely constrained for to part

From the friends of my bosom so dear to my heart

While Jesus146 exulting, and friends far away

In half broken slumbers all pensive I lay. [p.33]

A light as from Heaven on suden appeared.

And a voice as of Angels stole soft on my ear

A theme full of Glory, inspired their tongue

Of Zion's Redemption most sweetly they sung. [p.34]

MANUSCRIPT 3

{Quincy, Illinois 1839147

Dear Beloved Father

while Babylons bells are tolling & people flocking to hear what they think is the gospel I will inform you of our situation.--

We left Far West Jany 10th in company with another Family & arrived at the Missippa River after a Journey of 12 days the distance of 200 miles[.] we had snow & rain every day but 2[.] we had heavy loads, were obliged to walk from 2 to 8 miles a day thro mud & water, camped out on the wet ground 3 nights before we arrived at the River, A few days before we got to the river it grew cold[.] the river froze over & we were obliged to camp close to the river 3 days & nights before we could cross in the boat, 6 waggons were with us at the time.--

The Saints are leaving Far West daily[.] A Carrage left here this morning for the Prophets Family, most of the Church cross the River & come to this place, The People here recieve us Quite Friendly & think us an abused people.148 We have meetings among the Brethren but last night we heard that the Prophets advise for the Brethren to scatter, hold no meetings in this place & be wise servants that the wrath of the enemy be not kindled against us, we are a poor, afflicted & persecuted people, driven to & fro, & when you come, you will have to share with us in our afflictions, I advise you to fetch considerable tin ware, such as the tin plates & dishes[.] The Saints have yet no continual abiding place but like the saints of old must wander about seeking shelter where we can find it.

30 January 1839, Wednesday.

We are commanded to bridle our tongues & be wise in these last days especially in this reigon of excitement.--It is thought by some we shall not gather again in large bodies at present, still we do not know[.] our leader is gone, we have none to tell us what to do by direct revelation,

We want our Prophet & we feel we shall have him before long but our enemies triumph over us believing we have lost our Prophet unto death.--

Peraphs [Perhaps] it would be interesting to you & the Church at Holiston to read a copy of the speech of Genrl Clark to the Brethren in Far West after they were taken Prisoners.149 He called them upon the public square surrounded them by a company of his armed men & holding in his hands a paper which contained the names of those whom he intended to prison, he proudly delivered the following message--["]

Gentlemen you whose names are not attached to this list of names you now have the privilige of going to your fields to obtain Corn & wood for your Families, those that are taken, will be taken from hence to prison, be tried, & receive the due demerits of their crimes, but you are now at liberty, all such as charges will hereafter be prefered against--

It now devolves on you to fulfill the treaty that you have entered into the leading items of which I will now lay before you, first of these you have already complied with, which is this that you deliver up your leading men to be tried according to Law, the second is you deliver up your Arms, this has been complied with[.] third is you sign over your property to defray the cost of the war[.] this you have also done150--

Another thing remains to be complied with, that is you leave the state forthwith, and whatever your feelings concerning this are,--whatever your innocence it is nothing to me,-- Genrl Lucas who is in eaqual rank with myself has made this treaty with you, & I am determined to see it executed.

The order of the Govonor to me was, that you should be exterminated & not allowed to stay in the State, had not your Leaders been given up & the treaty complied with, before this you & Your Families would have been destroyed & your houses in ashes, There is a discriminating power resting in my hands which I shall try to exercise in season[.]

I do not say you shall go now but you need not think of staying another season or putting in another Crop, for the moment you do this the citizens will be upon you, I am determined to see the Govonors orders fulfilled, I shall come upon you immediatly, do not think I shall act as I have done any more, but if I have to come again because the treaty which you have made is not fulfilled you need not expect any mercy but extermination for I am determined the Govonors message shall be executed--

As for your leaders, do not for a moment think, do not imagine, let it not enter your minds, that you will ever see their faces again.--Their doom is fixed, their dye is cast, their fate is certain.--I am sorry Gentlemen so many apparently inteligent men [are] in a situation in which you are placed.--Oh! that I could invoke the spirit of the unknown God to enlighten your minds & deliver you from those bonds of superstition & liberate you from the chains of fanaticism with which you are bound, that you may no longer worship a man, you have always been the agressors, & brought upon yourselves these troubles by disaffection & not being subject to rule, I advise you to scatter and become as other Citizens lest by recurrences of difficulties you bring upon yourselves inevitable ruin"--}[Dean C. Jessee and David J. Whittaker; BYU Studies Vol. 28, No. 1, pg.34].

Encyclopedia of Mormonism, HISTORY OF THE CHURCH DANITES

CHURCH LEADERS MOBILIZED SAINTS MILITIA

Milton V. Backman, Jr., and Ronald K. Esplin

Encyclopedia of Mormonism, HISTORY OF THE CHURCH

After Governor Lilburn Boggs refused pleas to protect the DeWitt Saints, Church leaders mobilized the Caldwell County militia and prepared to protect themselves.

Some members of the Danites, originally organized to assist with Latter-day Saint community development, engaged in paramilitary activity, including burning the headquarters of mobbers at Gallatin and Millport who had threatened their destruction.

Meanwhile, a local militia forced Latter-day Saints to leave their farms in Ray County and threatened to shoot Church members accused of being spies.

Trying to prevent the threatened executions, a unit of the LDS Caldwell County militia engaged the Ray militia on October 25 at Crooked River. Men were killed on both sides, and wildly exaggerated rumors of marauding Mormons enflamed the countryside. On October 27, without investigating the charges and countercharges, Governor Boggs accused Church members of initiating hostilities and ordered the state militia to exterminate the Mormons or drive them from the state (see Extermination Order).

Three days later, the Haun's Mill Massacre, in which more than two hundred militiamen attacked a tiny LDS settlement and brutally killed seventeen, underscored the likelihood that Boggs's order would be carried out literally.

Milton V. Backman, Jr., and Ronald K. Esplin, Encyclopedia of Mormonism

Encyclopedia of Mormonism, LDS Communities

In Caldwell And Daviess Counties

MAX H. PARKIN

LDS Communities In Caldwell And Daviess Counties

The Missouri legislature created Caldwell and Daviess counties in December 1836 in an attempt to resolve "the Mormon problem." After the Latter-day Saints were driven from Jackson County in 1833, they were given temporary refuge in Clay County (see entleman's agreement with the old settlers. The explorers found a beautiful townsite on the Grand River. While there, the Prophet received a revelation that this was also the site of Adam-ondi-Ahman, mentioned in a revelation three years earlier as the valley where Adam had gathered his righteous posterity "and there bestowed upon them his last blessing" (D&C 107:53; cf. 78:15-16). This news helped confirm the decision to create a stake there and designate the area as a gathering place for Ohio members traveling to Missouri. At a June 28, 1838, conference in the newly laid-out community, affectionately nicknamed Di-Ahman, Joseph Smith's uncle, John Smith, was called as stake president. Throughout the summer of 1838, Latter-day Saints poured into Daviess County, where a plentiful harvest helped provide for the impoverished members of the Kirtland Camp when they arrived in early October. That same spring, the Saints also began to settle in DeWitt, in nearby Carroll County near the confluence of the Grand and Missouri rivers, where they established a steamboat landing from which immigrants could move to the other LDS settlements.

The Saints in northern Missouri industriously planted crops and built log houses throughout the summer, and prospects for peace appeared good. They still hoped for eventual reconciliation with the citizens of Jackson County so that they could return to their center place, but in the meantime they intended to prosper where they were. By revelation, Far West was to become a temple city (D&C 115:7), and the following spring, the Quorum of the Twelve would dedicate the temple site before departing on a mission to Great Britain (D&C 118:4). Revelation in Far West also prescribed the formal name of the Church, "even The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints" (D&C 115:4), and established the tithing system, which continues to provide financial stability to the Church and to bless its members (D&C 119, 120).

But new difficulties arose. First, Sidney Rigdon publicly threatened dissenters in his June "Salt Sermon," intimating that they should leave Far West or harm would befall them. News of this threat reinforced anti-Mormon hostility throughout Missouri. Second, LDS militia officer Sampson Avard formed an underground group of vigilantes labeled Danites. Avard convinced this oathbound group that they operated with the approval of Church leaders and that they were authorized to avenge themselves against the Church's enemies, even by robbery, lying, and violence if necessary. Third, in an inflammatory Independence Day speech, Sidney Rigdon thundered out a declaration of independence from further mob violence. He warned of a war of extermination between Mormons and their enemies if they were further threatened or harassed.

Finally, and perhaps most important, the new LDS settlements in Adam-ondi-Ahman and DeWitt angered other Missourians who thought that the Mormons had agreed to stay in Caldwell County. Church leaders countered that as American citizens they had the right to buy land and live wherever they chose. Soon, depredations occurred, and with mobilization of militias on both sides, the stage was set for war. After violence erupted in October 1838, Governor Lilburn W. Boggs issued his infamous Extermination Order, declaring that all Mormons should be driven from Missouri or be exterminated.

At first, Church members attempted to defend themselves in their respective settlements, but the outlying towns were not defensible. Before all the Saints could gather to safety in fortified Far West, lives were lost in several confrontations, including the Haun's Mill Massacre, where seventeen LDS men and boys died. The siege of Far West took place during the last three days of October. Joseph Smith and other Church leaders were arrested and incarcerated, several in Liberty Jail, and the Saints were forced to abandon their improved lands to their enemies and leave Missouri (see Missouri Conflict). Brigham Young and Heber C. Kimball, members of the Twelve Apostles who were not imprisoned, and John Taylor, who was ordained an apostle in December, led the heroic efforts to relocate the approximately 12,000 Missouri Saints across the Mississippi River into Illinois.

Bibliography

Gentry, Leland H. "A History of the Latter-day Saints in Northern Missouri from 1836 to 1839." Ph.D. diss., Brigham Young University, 1965.

LeSueur, Stephen C. The 1838 Mormon War in Missouri. Columbia, Mo., 1987.

LELAND H. GENTRY

ENCYCLOPEDIA OF MORMONISM, MISSOURI CONFLICT

MAX H. PARKIN

Incidents of discord between Latter-day Saints and their neighbors in Missouri from 1831 to 1839 are sometimes known as the Missouri War. In 1838 the tensions that had intermittently produced violence escalated into large-scale conflict that ended with the forced expulsion of the Latter-day Saints from the state.

The first Latter-day Saints entered Missouri in January 1831 as part of the Lamanite mission. These zealous missionaries soon drew the ire of both U.S. Indian agents and local clergy in Independence, the rough-hewn and sometimes disorderly seat of Jackson County and the head of the Santa Fe Trail. Joseph Smith arrived in July 1831. In August he selected a site for a temple and designated Jackson County as the location of the millennial Zion or New Jerusalem and as the gathering place for the Saints.

That summer more than one hundred Church members arrived in Jackson County from Kirtland, Ohio, and from other northern and eastern states; hundreds more soon followed. By the summer of 1833, more than a thousand were grouped into four settlements west of Independence, while others lived in the village itself.

Tension between the Latter-day Saints and their neighbors in frontier Jackson County mounted for several reasons. First, marked cultural differences set them apart. With New England roots, most Saints valued congregational Sabbath worship, education of their children, and refined personal decorum. In contrast, many Jackson County residents had come to the Missouri frontier from other states precisely to avoid such interference in their lives. Many held no schools for their children, and Sunday cockfights attracted more people than church services did. Often hard drinking intensified violent frontier ways. In the opinion of non-LDS county resident John C. McCoy in the Kansas City Journal (Apr. 24, 1881, p. 9), such extreme differences in customs made the two groups "completely unfitted to live together in peace and friendship."

Second, Missourians considered the Latter-day Saints strange and religiously unorthodox. Many LDS Church members aggressively articulated belief in revelation, prophets, the Book of Mormon, spiritual gifts, the Millennium, and the importance of gathering. Some went further and claimed Jackson County land as a sacred inheritance by divine appointment. Even David Whitmer, presiding elder of one branch, thought these boasts excited bitter jealousy. Articles on prophecy and doctrine published in the Church newspaper at Independence, the evening and the morning star, added to hard feelings. In addition, local Protestant clergy felt threatened by LDS missionary activity.

Third, because the Saints lived on Church lands and traded entirely with the Church store or blackSmith shops, some original settlers viewed them as economically exclusive, even un-American. Others accused LDS immigrants of pauperism when, because of diminished Church resources, they failed to obtain land.

A fourth volatile issue was the original settlers' fear that Latter-day Saints might provoke battles with either slaves or Indians. They accused the Saints of slave tampering. As transplanted Southerners who valued their right to hold slaves, the settlers erroneously feared that the Saints intended to convert blacks or incite them to revolt. They also correctly asserted that the Latter-day Saints desired to convert Indians and, perhaps, ally themselves with the Indians.

Finally, Missourians feared that continued LDS ingathering would lead to loss of political control. "It requires no gift of prophecy," stated a citizens' committee, "to tell that the day is not far distant when the civil government of the county will be in their hands; when the sheriff, the justices, and the county judges will be Mormons" (HC 1:397). These monumental differences between the Latter-day Saints and the Missourians eventually led to violence.

Vandalism against LDS settlers first occurred in the spring of 1832. Coordinated aggression commenced in July 1833, after the article "Free People of Color" appeared in the Evening and the Morning Star. Even though the article was written to curtail trouble, it so outraged local citizens that more than 400 met at the courthouse to demand that the Mormons leave. When the Latter-day Saints refused to negotiate away or abandon lands they legally owned, some citizens formed a mob and destroyed the press and printing house, ransacked the Mormon store, and violently accosted LDS leaders. Bishop Edward Partridge was beaten and tarred and feathered. Meeting three days later, the mob issued an ultimatum: One-half of the Mormons must leave by year's end and the rest by April (1834).

Local Church leaders sought counsel from Joseph Smith at Kirtland and assistance from Missouri Governor Daniel Dunklin. The Prophet urged them to hold their ground, and the governor advised them to seek redress through the courts. They did both. They employed lawyers from Clay County, including Alexander W. Doniphan and David R. Atchison.

Determined to settle the matter decisively, the old settlers mobilized to drive the Mormons out. Renewed violence began on October 31, 1833, with an attack on the Whitmer Branch a few miles west of the Big Blue River, near Independence. The mob demolished houses, whipped the men, and terrorized the women and children. For a week, attacks, beatings, and depredations against the Saints continued. On November 4 a mob again attacked the Whitmer settlement, making its streets a battleground. Two Missourians and one defender died.

The following day men led by Lyman Wight arrived from the Prairie Branch, twelve miles west, to protect members threatened at Independence. Colonel Thomas L. Pitcher then called out the county militia to quell the mob and negotiate a truce with Wight. According to John Corrill, a Church officer at Independence, after the Saints surrendered their arms to the militia, the troops joined the mob in a general assault against them. Some county residents recoiled at this barbarism. John McCoy, whose father rode with the mob, later wrote in the Kansas City Journal (Jan. 18, 1885, p. 5) that the Mormons "were unjustly and outrageously maltreated." But neither Colonel Pitcher nor Lieutenant Governor Lilburn W. Boggs, a resident of the county, interfered.

The terrified Saints fled Jackson County in disarray. Most went north, across the Missouri River, and sought refuge in Clay County, whose citizens were generally sympathetic and hospitable. Even there, however, these refugees endured a miserable winter without sufficient shelter, clothing, or food—either in extemporized camps along the river or above the bluffs in abandoned summer slave quarters. By spring, though, industry, better weather, and the aid of Clay County citizens improved their desperate condition.

After the Missouri governor promised militia assistance, about 200 Saints marched from Ohio to Missouri to escort the exiles back to their homes. This paramilitary relief party was known as Zion's Camp. But reports of the camp's coming mobilized anti-Mormons throughout Missouri's western counties, and when it arrived in Missouri, it encountered hundreds of armed adversaries. The promised military assistance from the governor was not forthcoming, and the camp disbanded in June 1834 without crossing into Jackson County. The revelation disbanding Zion's Camp declared that, because the Saints had not been blameless and must yet learn much, their anticipated Zion would not be redeemed for "many days" (D&C 105:2-10, 37).

All parties considered the Saints' exile in Clay County to be temporary. Joseph Smith still hoped for the strength to return to Jackson County in the near future. But the Clay County old settlers, fearful of the flood of new LDS arrivals, grew impatient. On the night of June 28, 1836, a Clay County mob, determined to drive the Mormons from the county, commenced to harass and beat them. The following day a convention of leading citizens entreated the Saints to leave the county before the mob struck further. Grateful for the refuge provided by Clay County citizens at a time of deep crisis, Church leaders agreed to move.

An uninhabited area north of Richmond became the new gathering place. Friends of the Saints, including state legislator Alexander W. Doniphan, guided the formation of a new "Mormon county" called Caldwell. By late 1836, with the county seat of Far West surrounded by other settlements, Latter-day Saints streamed into Caldwell County. In early 1838, after experiencing difficulties in Ohio, Joseph Smith arrived at Far West, and the settlement became Church headquarters. Many of the Ohio Saints soon followed. As LDS settlement extended into nearby Daviess and Carroll counties, competition with the old settlers resumed, eventually erupting into conflict.

Internal dissent, the aftermath of problems in Kirtland, also plagued the Church at Far West. Oliver Cowdery, the Missouri stake presidency (David Whitmer, William W. Phelps, and John Whitmer), and three apostles (Luke S. Johnson, Lyman E. Johnson, and William E. McLellin) were all excommunicated. Trying to prevent them from damaging the Church, Sidney Rigdon, a counselor to Joseph Smith, demanded in his June 19 "salt sermon" that the dissenters leave or be punished. Soon after, in a vigorous July 4 address, Rigdon declared the Church's independence from "mobocracy." These two sermons further incensed the public against expanding LDS influence.

Hostilities that began on August 8, 1838, election day, ended a few months later with the expulsion of the Latter-day Saints from the state. At Gallatin, county seat of Daviess County, a fight ensued when Mormons were prevented from voting. Joseph Smith quickly took measures to protect his people in Daviess County, but matters worsened. As false rumors of his efforts and of the election day battle reached surrounding counties, hundreds of self-appointed regulators congregated in Daviess, Caldwell, and Carroll counties. State militia commanded by Major General David R. Atchison worked to keep an uneasy peace.

Fearing that Latter-day Saints, reinforced regularly by new arrivals, would soon control their counties, non-Mormons determined to attack. On October 2, 1838, a mob laid siege to the LDS settlement of DeWitt in Carroll County. The Saints petitioned recently elected Governor Lilburn W. Boggs for protection, only to be told that they must take care of themselves. Atchison's militia, weakened by mutiny and insubordination and lacking the firm support of the governor, failed to quell the mob. After ten days, the DeWitt Saints fled to Far West for safety; some in weakened condition died.

Faced with a heedless governor and an ineffective militia, Latter-day Saints reconsidered their long-standing position of passive defense. Concluding that without civil protection they had to protect themselves, in mid-October LDS leaders mobilized their own state-authorized militias in Caldwell and Daviess counties. These units actively confronted threatening mobs; there may also have been activity by units not strictly part of the militia (see Danites).

Raiders from Gallatin and Millport in Daviess County harassed the LDS community of Adam-ondi-Ahman. Throughout October both sides engaged in burning, stealing, and intimidation. While clearly acting first in self-defense, some Latter-day Saints nevertheless felt that military measures were excessive. In late October, Thomas B. Marsh and Orson Hyde, both apostles, signed affidavits critical of Mormon actions.

Hostilities escalated into outright warfare. Far West Militia Captain David W. Patten, an apostle, pursued a renegade band of Missouri militia overnight to the Crooked River in northern Ray County where, at dawn on October 25, they clashed. Two died on the battlefield, one on each side, and two mortally wounded Saints died soon after, including Patten.

From the Battle of Crooked River, rumors of LDS aggression spread like wildfire. On the strength of these rumors, Governor Boggs issued his infamous Extermination Order on October 27, authorizing the state militia to drive all Mormons from Missouri or exterminate them. Three days later Colonel William O. Jennings launched an unprovoked attacked on an LDS settlement at Haun's Mill, east of Far West, leaving seventeen men and boys dead (see Haun's Mill Massacre). Survivors joined other refugees fleeing to Far West. On October 31, the militia under the command of Major General Samuel D. Lucas laid siege upon Far West.

To avoid bloodshed, Joseph Smith and others agreed to meet with militia leaders, who instead arrested them. A court-martial that evening summarily sentenced Joseph Smith and his associates to be shot, and Lucas ordered Brig. General Alexander Doniphan to execute them at dawn. Doniphan thought the order illegal and heroically refused to carry it out, declaring that he would bring to account anyone who tried to do it. After Far West defenders were disarmed, Missouri attackers committed numerous outrages against women and property; a number of men were shot and at least one was killed.

While Joseph Smith and some of the others were jailed at Independence, in richmond jail, and finally in Liberty Jail, the rest of the Latter-day Saints were forced from the state. That winter, under the leadership of Brigham Young, approximately 12,000 suffering Saints fled Missouri, most crossing the Mississippi River into Illinois at Quincy.

Joseph Smith and several others spent five months in jail awaiting trial for alleged murder, treason, arson, and other charges growing out of the fall violence and attempts at defense. For the Prophet, this imprisonment evoked a legacy of strength and revelations from heaven (see Doctrine and Covenants: Sections 121-23). A trial was never held. On April 15, 1839, while being transported on a change of venue to Boone County, Joseph and his brother Hyrum were allowed to escape to join Saints and their families in Illinois.

Bibliography

Gentry, Leland H. "A History of the Latter-day Saints in Northern Missouri from 1836 to 1839." Ph.D. diss., Brigham Young University, 1965.

Jennings, Warren A. "Zion Is Fled: The Expulsion of the Mormons from Jackson County, Missouri." Ph.D. diss., University of Florida, 1962.

Johnson, Clark V. The Missouri Petitions: Documents from the Missouri Conflict, 1833-1838. Provo, Utah, 1991.

LeSueur, Stephen C. The 1838 Mormon War in Missouri. Columbia, Missouri, 1987.

Roberts, B. H. The Missouri Persecutions. Salt Lake City, 1900.

MAX H. PARKIN

SMITH AND SJODAHL, DOCTRINE AND COVENANTS

COMMENTARY, Sec. 31, p.164–p.165

THOMAS B. MARSH

Thomas B. Marsh was born at Acton, Mass., Nov. 1st, 1799. He came on a visit to Palmyra at the time when the Book of Mormon was being printed, and Martin Harris gave him a sheet containing the first sixteen pages of that book. He read these pages and showed them to his wife, and both received a testimony that the book was of God. When he learned that the Church had been organized, he moved to Palmyra and was baptized by David Whitmer. This was in the month of September, 1830, shortly before this Revelation was received. After a career of varied experiences, Marsh moved to Kirtland, where he was called to the Apostleship. In July and August, 1837, he accompanied the Prophet Joseph and Sidney Rigdon on a mission to Canada, and the following year he and David W. Patten were appointed presidents of the Church in Missouri, until the arrival of the Prophet. In August, 1838, a year of apostasy, he became disaffected and turned traitor to his brethren. He made an affidavit to the effect that the "Mormons" had a company called "Danites," organized for the purpose of murdering "enemies"—a statement he certainly knew to be false. After that he became a vagabond, without resting-place, without peace, for many years. [SMITH AND SJODAHL, DOCTRINE AND COVENANTS COMMENTARY, Sec. 31, p.164–p.165]

Doctrine and Covenants Commentary Sec. 122

SAMSON AVARD

5. False brethren] There were many, but perhaps none exhibited more diabolical cunning than Samson Avard. This individual proposed to form a secret organization for the purposes Of plunder and robbery, and succeeded in gathering a band of outlaws around him under the name of Danites. As soon as his plans and designs became known to the Church leaders, he was expelled from the Church, and then, to save himself, he swore that his band was a Church organization. His advice to Oliver Olney was "to swear hard against the heads of the Church." "I intend to do it," said he, "in order to escape, for if 1 do not, they will take my life" (Hist. of the Church, Vol. III., p. 209). [Smith and Sjodahl, Doctrine and Covenants Commentary, Sec. 122, p.761]

HISTORY OF THE CHURCH ~ DANITE ARTICLES

ORIGINAL NEED FOR THE DANITES

This organization was in existence when the mobs commenced their most violent attempts upon the citizens of the before-mentioned counties; and from this association arose all the horror afterwards expressed by the mob at some secret clan known as Danites. [History of the Church, Vol.3, Appendix, p.454]

AVARD ORGANIZED THE DANITES

In these proceedings he stated that he had the sanction of the heads of the Church for what he was about to do; and by his smiles and flattery, persuaded them to believe it, and proceeded to administer to the few under his control, an oath, binding them to everlasting secrecy to everything which should be communicated to them by himself. Thus Avard initiated members into his band, firmly binding them, by all that was sacred, in the protecting of each other in all things that were lawful; and was careful to picture out a great glory that was then hovering over the Church, and would soon burst upon the Saints as a cloud by day, and a pillar of fire by night, and would soon unveil the slumbering mysteries of heaven, which would gladden the hearts and arouse the stupid spirits of the Saints of the latter-day, and fill their hearts with that love which is unspeakable and full of glory, and arm them with power, that the gates of hell could not prevail against them; and would often affirm to his company that the principal men of the Church had put him forward as a spokesman, and a leader of this band, which he named Danites. [History of the Church, Vol.3, Ch.13, p.179]

AVARD SET UP COMPANIES

And here let it be distinctly understood, that these companies of tens and fifties got up by Avard, were altogether separate and distinct from those companies of tens and fifties organized by the brethren for self defense, in case of an attack from the mob. This latter organization was called into existence more particularly that in this time of alarm no family or person might be neglected; therefore, one company would be engaged in drawing wood, another in cutting it, another in gathering corn, another in grinding another in butchering, another in distributing meat, etc., etc., so that all should be employed in turn, and no one lack the necessaries of life. Therefore, let no one hereafter, by mistake or design, confound this organization of the Church for good and righteous purposes, with the organization of the "Danites," of the apostate Avard, which died almost before it had existed. [History of the Church, Vol.3, Ch.13, p.181]

AVARD'S TESTIMONY FALSE

The testimony of Dr. Avard concerning a council held at James Sloan's was false. Your petitioners do solemnly declare, that there was no such council; that your petitioners were with the prisoner, and there was no such vote or conversation as Dr. Avard swore to. That Dr. Avard also swore falsely concerning a constitution, as he said was introduced among the Danites; that the prisoner had nothing to do with burning in Daviess county; that the prisoner made public proclamation against such things; that the prisoner did oppose Dr. Avard and George M. Hinkle against vile measures with the mob, but was threatened by them if he did not let them alone. That the prisoner did not have anything to do with what is called Bogart's battle, for he knew nothing of it until it was over; that he was at home, in the bosom of his own family, during the time of that whole transaction. [History of the Church, Vol.3, Ch.19, p.280]

THOMAS B. MARSH TESTIMONY ~ HISTORY OF THE CHURCH

The chief points in the affidavit of Thomas B. Marsh, referred to in the text, are as follows:

"They have among them a company, considered true Mormons, called the Danites, who have taken an oath to support the heads of the Church in all things that they say or do, whether right or wrong. Many, however, of this band are much dissatisfied with this oath, as being against moral and religious principles. On Saturday last, I am informed by the Mormons, that they had a meeting at Far West, at which they appointed a company of twelve, by the name of the 'Destruction Company,' for the purpose of burning and destroying, and that if the people of Buncombe came to do mischief upon the people of Caldwell, and committed depredations upon the Mormons, they were to burn Buncombe; and if the people of Clay and Ray made any movement against them, this destroying company were to burn Liberty and Richmond. * * * * The Prophet inculcates the notion, and it is believed by every true Mormon, that Smith's prophecies are superior to the laws of the land. I have heard the Prophet say that he would yet tread down his enemies, and walk over their dead bodies; and if he was not let alone, he would be a second Mohammed to this generation, and that he would make it one gore of blood from the Rocky mountains to the Atlantic ocean; that like Mohammed, whose motto in treating for peace was, 'the Alcoran or the Sword.' So should it be eventually with us, 'Joseph Smith of the Sword.' These last statements were made during the last summer. The number of armed men at Adam-ondi-Ahman was between three and four hundred. [History of the Church, Vol.3, p.167, Footnotes]

"THOMAS B. MARSH

"Sworn to and subscribed before me, the day herein written.

"HENRY JACOBS,

"J. P. Ray county, Missouri.

"Richmond, Missouri, October 24, 1838."

"AFFIDAVIT OF ORSON HYDE.

"The most of the statements in the foregoing disclosure I know to be true; the remainder I believe to be true.

"ORSON HYDE.

"Richmond, October 24, 1838.

"Sworn to and subscribed before me, on the day above written.

"HENRY JACOBS, J. P."

Of this testimony and the action of Marsh and Hyde the late President Taylor in his discourse on Succession in the Presidency, makes these pertinent remarks:

"Testimonies from these sources are not always reliable, and it is to be hoped, for the sake of the two brethren, that some things were added by our enemies that they did not assert, but enough was said to make this default and apostasy very terrible.

I will here state that I was in Far West at the time these affidavits were made, and was mixed up with all prominent Church affairs. I was there when Thomas B. Marsh and Orson Hyde left there; and there are others present who were there at the same time. And I know that these things, referred to in the affidavits, are not true.

I have heard a good deal about Danites, but I never heard of them among the Latter-day Saints. If there was such an organization, I never was made acquainted with it * * * * * * Thomas B. Marsh was unquestionably instigated by the devil when he made this statement, which has been read in your hearing [the foregoing affidavit].

THOMAS MARSH CUT OFF FROM THE CHURCH

The consequence was, he was cut off from the Church. * * * * * * It would be here proper to state, however, that Orson Hyde had been sick with a violent fever for some time, and had not yet fully recovered therefrom, which, with the circumstances with which we were surrounded, and the influence of Thomas B. Marsh, may be offered as a slight palliation for his default. * * * * * *

It may be proper here again to say a few words with regard to Brother Orson Hyde, whose endorsement of the terrible charges made by Thomas B. Marsh in his affidavit, has already been read. Suffice it to say, in addition to what has previously been stated, he was cut off from the Church, and of course lost his apostleship; and when he subsequently returned, and made all the satisfaction that was within his power, he as forgiven by the authorities and the people and was again re-instated in the quorum."

Schuyler Colfax, vice-president of the United States, in his discussion with the late President John Taylor on the "Mormon Question," quoted this Marsh-Hyde affidavit, and Elder Taylor in reply said: "I am sorry to say that Thomas B. Marsh did make that affidavit, and that Orson Hyde stated that he knew part of it and believed the other; and it would be disingenuous to me to deny it; but it is not true that these things existed, for I was there and knew to the contrary; and so did the people of Missouri, and so did the governor of Missouri.

How do you account for their acts? Only on the score of the weakness of our common humanity. We were living in troublous times, and all men's nerves are not proof against such shocks as we then had to endure."

GENERAL DAVID R. ATCHISON

It is to be regretted that General David R. Atchison joined with General Lucas in signing the above communication. Up to this time Major General Atchison had apparently exercised his influence counseling moderation in dealing with the "Mormons." j

He as a resident of Clay county when the Saints were driven into that county from Jackson. He, with General Doniphan and Amos Rees, had acted as counsel for the exiles, and had seen the doors of the temple of justice closed in their faces by mob violence, and all redress denied them.

He was acquainted with the circumstances which led to their removal from Clay county, to the unsettled prairies of what afterwards became Caldwell county. He knew how deep and unreasonable the prejudices were against the Saints.

Can it be possible that he did not know how utterly unjustifiable the present movement against them was? whether he was blinded by the false reports about Millport and Gallatin and Crooked river, or whether his courage faltered, and he became afraid longer to defend a people against whom every man's hand was raised, I cannot now determine, but one or the other must have been the case.

General Atchison, however, was afterwards "dismounted," to use a word of General Doniphan's in relating the incident, and sent back to Liberty in Clay county by special order of Governor Boggs, on the ground that he was inclined to be too merciful to the "Mormons," so that he was not active in the operations about Far West.

But how he could consent to join with Lucas in sending such an untruthful and infamous report to the governor about the situation in Upper Missouri, is difficult to determine. The Saints had not set the laws at defiance, nor were they in open rebellion.

But when all the officers of the law refused to hear their complaints, and both civil and military authority delivered them into the hands of merciless mobs to be plundered and outraged at their brutal pleasure, and all petitions for protection at the hands of the governor had been answered with: "It is a quarrel between the Mormons and the mob, and they must fight it out," what was left for them to do but to arm themselves and stand in defense of their homes and families?

The movement on Gallatin by Captain Patten and that on Millport by Colonel Wight was ordered by General Parks, who called upon Colonel Wight to take command of his company of men, when the militia under Parks' command mutinied, and dispersed all mobs wherever he found them. Gallatin was not burned, nor were the records of the county court, if they were destroyed at all, destroyed by the Saints.

What houses were burned in Millport had been set on fire by the mob. The expedition to Crooked river was ordered by Judge Higbee, the first judge in Caldwell county and the highest civil authority in Far West, and was undertaken for the purpose of dispersing a mob which had entered the house of a peaceable citizen--one Pinkham--and carried off three people prisoners, four horses and other property, and who had threatened to "give Far West hell before noon the next day." So that in their operations the acts of the Saints had been strictly within the law, and only in self defense.

Elder Parley P. Pratt in his Autobiography referring to this betrayal of the brethren on the part of Hinkle and their reception and treatment by the mob, says: "Colonel George M. Hinkle, who was at that time the highest officer of the militia assembled for the defense of Far West, waited on Messrs. Joseph Smith, Sidney Rigdon, Hyrum Smith, Lyman wight, George W. Robinson and myself, with a request from General Lucas that we would repair to his camp, with the assurance that as soon as peaceable arrangements could be entered into we should be released.

We had no confidence in the word of a murderer and robber, but there was no alternative but to put ourselves into the hands of such monsters, or to have the city attacked, and men, women and children massacred. We, therefore, commended ourselves to the Lord, and voluntarily surrendered as sheep into the hands of wolves.

As we approached the camp of the enemy General Lucas rode out to meet us with a guard of several hundred men. The haughty general rode up, and, without speaking to us, instantly ordered his guards to surround us. They did so very abruptly, and we were marched into camp surrounded by thousands of savage looking beings, many of whom were dressed and painted like Indian warriors.

These all set up a constant yell, like so many bloodhounds let loose upon their prey, as if they had achieved one of the most miraculous victories that ever graced the annals of the world. If the vision of the infernal regions could suddenly open to the mind, with thousands of malicious fiends, all clamoring, exulting, deriding, blaspheming, mocking, railing, raging and foaming like a troubled sea, then could some idea be formed of the hell which we had entered. [History of the Church, Vol.3, p.189, Footnotes]

In camp we were placed under a strong guard, and were without shelter during the night, lying on the ground in the open air, in the midst of a great rain. The guards during the whole night kept up a constant tirade of mockery, and the most obscene blackguardism and abuse. They blasphemed God; mocked Jesus Christ; swore the most dreadful oaths; taunted Brother Joseph and others; demanded miracles; wanted signs, such as 'Come, Mr. Smith, show us an angel.' 'Give us one of your revelations.' 'Show us a miracle.' 'Come, there is one of your brethren here in camp whom we took prisoner yesterday in his own house, and knocked his brains out with his own rifle, which we found hanging over his fireplace; he lays speechless and dying; speak the word and heal him, and then we will all believe' 'Or, if you are Apostles or men of God, deliver yourselves, and then we will be Mormons"

Next would be a volley of oaths and blasphemies; then a tumultuous tirade of lewd boastings of having defiled virgins and wives by force, etc., much of which I dare not write; and, indeed, language would fail me to attempt more than a faint description. Thus passed this dreadful night, and before morning several other captives were added to our number, among whom was Brother Amasa Lyman."--Autobiography of Parley P. Pratt, pp. 203-205.

[The following is the excerpt from the Times and Seasons alluded to in the foot note at page 71:]

JOHN C. BENNETT

In the state of Missouri we had our Hinckle, our Avard, Marsh, McLellin, and others who were the first to flee in time of danger--the first to tell of things that they never knew, and swear to things that they never before had heard of. They were more violent in their persecutions, more relentless and sanguinary in their proceedings, and sought with greater fury the destruction and overthrow of the Saints of God who had never injured them, but whose virtue made them blush for their crimes. [History of the Church, Vol.5, Ch.4, p.78]

All that were there remember that they were the stoutest and the loudest in proclaiming against oppression; they protested vehemently against mob and misrule, but were the first in robbing, spoiling, and plundering their brethren. Such things we have always expected; we know that the "net will gather together of every kind, good and bad," that "the wheat and tares must grow together until the harvest," and that even at the last there will be five foolish as well as five wise virgins, Daniel, in referring to the last days says, in speaking concerning the "Holy Covenant," that many shall have indignation against it, and shall obtain information from those that forsake the Holy Covenant, "and the robbers of thy people shall seek to exalt themselves, but they shall fall."

This we have fully proven--we have seen them try to exalt themselves, and we have seen their fall. He goes on further to state, that "many shall cleave unto them by flatteries." Such was Dr. Avard, and John C. Bennett--with the latter we have to do at the present time, and in many of the foregoing statements and prophecies we shall see his character and conduct exemplified. He professed she greatest fidelity, and eternal friendship, yet was he an adder in the path, and a viper in the bosom. He professed to be virtuous and chaste, yet did he pierce the heart of the innocent, introduce misery and infamy into families, reveled in voluptuousness and crime, and led the youth that he had influence over to tread in his unhallowed steps; he professed to fear God, yet did he desecrate His name, and prostitute his authority to the most unhallowed and diabolical purposes; even to the seduction of the virtuous, and the defiling of his neighbor's bed. He professed indignation against Missouri, saying, "My hand shall avenge the blood of the innocent;" yet now he calls upon Missouri to come out against the Saints, and he "will lead them on to glory and to victory."

History of the Church, Vol.5, Ch.4, p.79

It may asked why it was that we would countenance him so long after being apprised of his iniquities, and why he was not dealt with long ago. To this we would answer, that he has been dealt with from time to time; when he would acknowledge his iniquity, ask and pray for forgiveness, beg that he might not be exposed, on account of his mother, and other reasons, saying, he should be ruined and undone. He frequently wept like a child, and begged like a culprit for forgiveness, at the same time promising before God and angels to amend his life, if he could be forgiven. He was in this way borne with from time to time, until forbearance was no longer a virtue, and then the First Presidency, the Twelve, and the Bishops withdrew their fellowship from him, as published in the 16th number of this paper. The Church afterwards publicly withdrew their fellowship from him, and his character was published in the 17th number of this paper; since that time he has Published that the conduct of the Saints was bad--that Joseph Smith and many others were adulterers, murderers, etc., that there was a secret band of men that would kill people, etc., called Danites--that he was in duress when he gave his affidavit, and testified that Joseph Smith was a virtuous man--that we believed in and practiced polygamy, that we believed in secret murders, and aimed to destroy the government, etc., etc. As he has made his statements very public, and industriously circulated them through the country, we shall content ourselves with answering his base falsehoods and misrepresentations, without giving publicity to them, as the public is generally acquainted with them already." [History of the Church, Vol.5, Ch.4, p.80]

COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF THE CHURCH

DANITE OATH

"They have among them a company, considered true Mormons, called the `Danites,' who have taken an oath to support the heads of the church in all things that they say or do, whether right or wrong. Many, however, of this band are much dissatisfied with this oath, as being against moral and religious principles.

On Saturday last, I am informed by the Mormons, that they had a meeting at Far West, at which they appointed a company of twelve, by the name of the `Destruction Company,' for the purpose of burning and destroying, and that if the people of Buncombe came to do mischief upon the people of Caldwell, and committed depredations upon the Mormons, they were to burn Buncombe; and if the people of Clay and Ray made any movement against them, this destroying company were to burn Liberty and Richmond. * * *

The Prophet inculcated the notion, and it is believed by every true Mormon, that Smith's prophecies are superior to the laws of the land. I have heard the Prophet say that he would yet tread down his enemies, and walk over their dead bodies; and if he was not let alone, he would be a second Mohammed to this generation, and that he would make it one gore of blood from the Rocky Mountains to the Atlantic Ocean; that like Mohammed whose motto in treating for peace was, `the Alcoran or the Sword,' so would it be eventually with us, `Joseph Smith or the Sword.'

These last statements were made during the last summer. The number of armed men at Adam-ondi-Ahman was between three and four hundred." [B. H. Roberts, Comprehensive History of the Church, Vol.1, Ch.35, p.472 - p.473]

COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF THE CHURCH

Chapter 36

Examination of Prisoners At Richmond--

"Treason": Origin Of the "Danites"

B. H. Roberts, Comprehensive History of the Church, Vol.1, Ch.36, p.494

With the capitulation of Far West as outlined in the preceding chapter, General Lucas considered "the war" at that place at an end, and accordingly, with the exception of the troops he thought necessary to conduct the prisoners to Independence--his headquarters--and four companies to hold Far West, and five companies under General Parks sent into Daviess county, to receive the surrender of the people at "Di-Ahman," and take possession of their arms, the general disbanded the rest of his forces leaving the others designated above to report to General Clark, then drawing near to Far West, while he and General Wilson hastened toward Independence with their prisoners.

PROPHET'S WORD OF COMFORT

During the journey towards Independence, namely, on the morning of the 3rd of November, the Prophet Joseph speaking in a low but cheerful and confidential tone said to his fellow-prisoners:

"Be of good cheer, brethren; the word of the Lord came to me last night that our lives should be given us, and that whatever we may suffer during this our captivity, not one of our lives shall be taken."

A prediction which was realized in the experience of the prisoners.

General Clark arrived at Far West on Sunday the 4th of November. It appears from his subsequent reports to Governor Boggs that he was not very well pleased with the proceedings of Lucas, but could then do no other than accept as a basis of procedure the terms of capitulation which that officer had dictated to the people of Far West. He had tried to reach Lucas by express, ordering him to hold the prisoners, but to make no final treaty until he (Clark) should arrive. [B. H. Roberts, Comprehensive History of the Church, Vol.1, Ch.36, p.495]

The day before arriving at Far West, Clark learned that Lucas had disbanded his forces and was marching with his prisoners to Independence. He tried to intercept him with an order to deliver the prisoners to him at Richmond, but Lucas made good his determination to take the prisoners to Independence--his headquarters--where he kept them several days. They were finally returned to Richmond under guard commanded by Colonel Sterling Price, who put them in irons and guarded them day and night during the examination before Judge Austin A. King, which lasted seventeen days.

A PROPHET'S REBUKE OF UNGODLY GUARDS

During this time the prisoners were subjected to many hardships and much abuse from their guards, and at times were compelled to listen to their stories of murder, robbery and raping. It is related by Parley P. Pratt, that during one night when the guard had been unusually abusive and ribald in their boastings the Prophet arose and in a "voice of thunder," or as "a roaring lion," rebuked them in the following language:

"Silence, ye fiends of the infernal pit? In the name of Jesus Christ I rebuke you, and command you to be still; I will not live another minute and hear such language. Cease such talk, or you or I die this instant!"

Upon this they were silent and remained so until the guard was changed. When Clark arrived in Far West, on the 4th of November, with his command of about twenty-one hundred men, Far West had been visited by some six thousand troops within one week, whereas the number of the Caldwell county militia numbered all told but from five to eight hundred men, the numbers here given representing the minimum and maximum estimates. On the 5th General Clark designated fifty-six men of more or less prominence in the church whom he placed under arrest, and the next day paraded the remainder of the brethren at Far West and finally addressed them on the public square as follows:

GENERAL CLARK'S ADDRESS TO THE SAINTS AT FAR WEST

"Gentlemen, you whose names are not attached to this list of names will now have the privilege of going to your fields and providing corn, wood, etc., for your families. Those who are now taken will go from this to prison, be tried, and receive the due demerit of their crimes. But you (except such as charges may hereafter be preferred against) are now at liberty, as soon as the troops are removed that now guard the place, which I shall cause to be done immediately. It now devolves upon you to fulfill the treaty that you have entered into, the leading items of which I shall now lay before you:

The first requires that your leading men be given up to be tried according to law; this you have already complied with.

The second is, that you deliver up your arms; this has been attended to.

The third stipulation is, that you sign over your properties to defray the expenses of the war; this you have also done.

Another article yet remains for you to comply with, and that is, that you leave the state forthwith; and whatever may be your feelings concerning this, or whatever your innocence, it is nothing to me; General Lucas, who is equal in authority with me, has made this treaty with you--I approve of it--I should have done the same had I been here--I am therefore determined to see it fulfilled. The character of this state has suffered almost beyond redemption, from the character, conduct and influence that you have exerted, and we deem it an act of justice to restore her character to its former standing among the states, by every proper means.

The orders of the governor to me were, that you should be exterminated, and not allowed to remain in the state, and had your leaders not have been given up, and the terms of the treaty complied with, before this, you and your families would have been destroyed and your houses in ashes.

There is a discretionary power vested in my hands which I shall exercise in your favor for a season; for this lenity you are indebted to my clemency. I do not say that you shall go now, but you must not think of staying here another season, or of putting in crops, for the moment you do this the citizens will be upon you. If I am called here again, in case of a non-compliance of a treaty made, do not think that I shall act any more as I have done-you need not expect mercy, but extermination, for I am determined the governor's order shall be executed. As for your leaders, do not once think--do not imagine for a moment--do not let it enter your mind that they will be delivered, or that you will see their faces again, for their fate is fixed--their die is cast--their doom is sealed.

I am sorry, gentlemen, to see so great a number of apparently intelligent men found in the situation that you are; and oh! that I could invoke the Great Spirit, the Unknown God, to rest upon you, and make you sufficiently intelligent to break that chain of superstition and liberate you from those fetters of fanaticism with which you are bound--that you no longer worship a man.

I would advise you to scatter abroad, and never again organize yourselves with bishops, presidents, etc., lest you excite the jealousies of the people, and subject yourselves to the same calamities that have now come upon you.

You have always been the aggressors--you have brought upon yourselves these difficulties by being disaffected and not being subject to rule--and my advise is, that you become as other citizens, lest by a recurrence of these events you bring upon yourselves irretrievable ruin."

Brigham Young, who was present when the speech was made, says that in addition to the above General Clark said that "Mormons" must not be seen as many as five together: "If you are," said he, "the citizens will be upon you and destroy you" * * * There was no alternative for them but to flee; that they need not expect any redress, for there was none for them. The saints were also compelled to sign away their property by executing a deed of trust at the point of the bayonet which they did, amid the frantic joy of the mob.

EFFORTS FOR A COURT-MARTIAL

After the first group of prisoners consisting of Joseph Smith and his several associates were returned to Richmond, General Clark sought diligently through military codes for authority to try them by court-martial. He even sent to Fort Leavenworth, then a United States military post, for information on the subject, and also asked that the opinion of the attorney-general of the state be forwarded to him in relation to the mater; but apparently he could get nothing that would justify his desire for a court-martial trial. So persistent was he in this proceeding that he was sharply reproved by Governor Boggs himself. In a communication of November 19th, the governor said: "You will take immediate steps to discharge all the troops you have retained in service as a guard and deliver the prisoners over to the civil authorities. You will not attempt to try them by court-martial, the civil law must govern. * * * The officers retained to serve on court-martial will also be discharged."

Finding that he was debarred from proceeding by courtmartial, General Clark turned over his first group, numbering fifty-six, to be examined in a court "of inquiry" at Richmond before Judge Austin A. King. The prisoners were accused of "treason, murder, arson, burglary, robbery, larceny and perjury." The testimony is taken largely ex parte, being merely an inquiry to ascertain if there was sufficient evidence to hold the accused to a grand jury investigation of the charges. The prisoners, however, were called upon for witnesses on their side of the case; but whenever they gave such names the parties themselves were made prisoners and put upon examination for similar offenses as those charged against their friends. And where this was not done the parties named were made to flee from the country by threats of violence. The matter of such treatment of witnesses for the defense led Messrs. Doniphan and Reese, counsel for the defendants, to advise that no other witnesses be named as there would not be one of them left for final trial. "And as to making any impression on King," said Doniphan, "if a cohort of angels were to come down and declare you innocent, it would be all the same, since King has determined from the beginning to cast you into prison." [B. H. Roberts, Comprehensive History of the Church, Vol.1, Ch.36, p.499 - p.500]

The testimony taken before Judge King is published by the legislature of Missouri, in its collection of Documents, Correspondence, Orders, etc., and makes altogether sixty-five pages of matter. The "evidence" is made up almost exclusively of the statements of apostates, and the saint's bitterest enemies among the "old settlers;" and of the sixty-five pages which it fills, less than four is occupied with testimony for the defense.

The court found sufficient cause for holding most of the prisoners on one or the other of the offenses charged, and held them to appear before the courts in the respective counties where the crimes were alleged to have been committed. Joseph Smith, Lyman Wight, Caleb Baldwin, Hyrum Smith, Alexander McRae, and Sidney Rigdon were held for treason, against the state, murder, burglary, arson, robbery and larceny; and were committed to prison without bail in Liberty, Clay county, for want of a suitable jail in Caldwell county. Parley P. Pratt, Morris Phelps, Luman Gibbs, Norman Shearer and Darwin Chase, charged with murder, and hence not bailable, were confined in Richmond prison, also for want of a suitable jail in Caldwell county. About twenty of the other prisoners were held on various charges, and were either admitted to bail or allowed to go upon their own recognizances. Before the time set for the trial of their cases, they and their bondsmen were compelled to leave the state.

THE "DANITE BAND"

Avard charges that Joseph Smith was the prime mover and organizer of the "Danite Band;" that its officers were blessed by him; that he with his counselors, Sidney Rigdon and Hyrum Smith, were cognizant of all the band's movements; that it was the Prophet who proposed that they be bound together by covenant not to reveal the secrets of the society under the penalty of death. The oath according to Avard was as follows:

"In the name of Jesus Christ, the Son of God, I do solemnly obligate myself ever to conceal, and never to reveal, the secret purposes of this society called the `Daughter of Zion.' Should I ever do the same, I hold my life as the forfeiture."

"The Prophet," continues Avard, "together with his two counselors, were considered as the supreme head of the church; and the `Danite Band' felt themselves as much bound to obey them as to obey the supreme God." He also testified that Joseph Smith gave the instruction that if any of the "band" got into difficulty the rest should help him out, and that "they should stand by each other right or wrong." Avard also gave to the court the alleged "preamble" and "constitution" of this so-called secret organization; and as he represents the document he delivered to the court as being the original, and no copies having been taken of it; and as so much has been made of this alleged secret and "murderous organization," preamble and constitution are here given in extenso:

"DANITE CONSTITUTION"

"Whereas, in all bodies laws are necessary for the permanency, safety, and well-being of society, we, the members of the society of the `Daughter of Zion,' do agree to regulate ourselves under such laws as, in righteousness, shall be deemed necessary for the preservation of our holy religion, and of our most sacred rights and of the rights of our wives and children. But, to be explicit on the subject, it is especially our object to support and defend the rights conferred on us by our venerable sires, who purchased them with the pledges of their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honors. And now, to prove ourselves worthy of the liberty conferred on us by them, in the providence of God, we do agree to be governed by such laws as shall perpetuate these high privileges, of which we know ourselves to be the rightful possessors, and of which privileges wicked and designing men have tried to deprive us, by all manner of evil, and that purely in consequence of the tenacity we have manifested in the discharge of our duty towards our God, who has given us those rights and privileges, and a right, in common with others, to dwell on this land. But we, not having the privileges of others allowed unto us, have determined, like unto our fathers, to resist tyranny, whether it be in kings or in the people. It is all alike unto us. Our rights we must have, and our rights we shall have, in the name of Israel's God.

"Art. 1st. All power belongs originally and legitimately to the people, and they have a right to dispose of it as they shall deem fit; but, as it is inconvenient and impossible to convene the people in all cases the legislative powers have been given by them, from time to time, into the hands of a representation composed of delegates from the people themselves. This has been the law, both in civil and religious bodies, and is the true principle.

"Art. 2nd. The executive power shall be vested in the president of the whole church and his counselors.

"Art. 3rd. The legislative powers shall reside in the president and his counselors together, and with the generals and colonels of the society. By them all laws shall be made regulating the society.

"Art. 4th. All offices shall be during life and good behaviour, or to be regulated by the law of God.

"Art. 5th. The society reserves the power of electing its own officers, with the exception of the aids and clerks which the officers may need in their various stations. The nomination to go from the presidency to his second, and from the second to the third in rank, and so down through all the various grades. Each branch or department retains the power of electing its own particular officers.

"Art. 6th. Punishment shall be administered to the guilty in accordance to the offense, and no member shall be punished without law, or by any others than those appoined by law for that purpose. The legislature shall have power to make laws regulating punishments, as, in their judgments, shall be wisdom and righteousness. B. H. Roberts, Comprehensive History of the Church, Vol.1, Ch.36, p.502 - p.503

"Art. 7th. There shall be a secretary, whose business it shall be to keep all the legislative records of the society, also to keep a register of the names of every member of the society; also the rank of the officers. He shall also communicate the laws to the generals, as directed by laws made for the regulation of such business by the legislature.

"Art. 8th. All officers shall be subject to the commands of the captain general, given through the secretary of war; and so all officers shall be subjects to their superiors in rank, according to laws made for that purpose.'"

This "constitution" is disappointing after hearing its murderous nature roaring so loud and thundering in the index supplied by the testimony of Avard, Marsh, et al. One would naturally expect to find the "constitution" more sanguinary than it is after all that has been said by the exploiters of it. Now follows the account of Avard's "Danite Band" organization condensed from Joseph Smith's History of the Church.

DR. AVARD'S DANITE ORGANIZATION

"Doctor Sampson Avard had been a member of the church but a few months. He was one of those restless, ambitious men who desire to become great, and lord it over their fellow men. Possessing neither the intelligence nor the integrity to rise to positions of honor and trust in the church by open, fair means, he resolved to become a leader by craft and villainy. He employed the art of flattery in his conversations with the brethren, appointed frequent meetings at his own house which was guarded by one or more of his trusted associates, who would give him a sign if any one approached whom he had not trusted. With an air of mystery he would intimate that he had been appointed by the heads of the church to accomplish some important work of a secret character, and at last put those whom he had won by his flattery, under an oath of eternal secrecy, not to reveal anything that he should communicate to them.

"By these means he continued to enlarge his band, which he named the `Danites.'

"He gave to them certain secret signs by which members of the band could recognize each other, either day or night. He gave them to understand that he had authority from the heads of the church for what he was about to do. He then proceeded to organize his men into companies of tens and fifties, placing a captain over each. Up to this time Avard had never intimated that anything unlawful or contrary to the spirit of the gospel was to be carried out. But now that he had the companies organized and all under an oath of secrecy, he thought he could with safety let the mask fall. After instructing the men as to what their duties were under their several captains, he took the captains into a secluded place and there told them they would soon be permitted to go among the Gentiles and take their property as spoil, and by robbing and plundering the Gentiles, they were to waste them away and with the property thus confiscated build up the `Kingdom of God.' If any of the band were recognized by their enemies, `who could harm them?' he asked: `for,' said he, `we will stand by each other, and defend one another in all things. If our enemies swear against us, we can swear also.' At this point some of the brethren expressed astonishment; but Avard continued by saying: `As the Lord liveth I would swear to a lie to clear any of you; and if this would not do, I would put them or him under the sand as Moses did the Egyptian. * * * And if any of us transgress, we will deal with him amongst ourselves. And if any one of this Danite society reveals any of these things, I will put him where the dogs cannot bite him.'

"This lecture of the doctor's revealed for the first time the true intent of his designs, and the brethren he had duped suddenly had their eyes opened, and they at once revolted and manfully rejected his teachings. Avard saw that he had played and lost so he said they had better let the matter drop where it was. As soon as Avard's villainy was brought to the knowledge of the president of the church, he was excommunicated, and was afterwards found making an effort to become friends with the mob, and conspiring against the church * * * And here let it be distinctly understood, that these companies of tens and fifties got up by Avard, were altogether separate and distinct from those companies of tens and fifties organized by the brethren for self-defense, in case of an attack from the mob. This latter organization was called into existence more particularly that in this time of alarm no family or person might be neglected; therefore, one company would be engaged in drawing wood, another in cutting it, another in gathering corn, another in grinding, another in butchering, another in distributing the meat, etc., etc., so that all should be employed in turn, and no one lack the necessaries of life. Therefore, let no one hereafter, by mistake or design confound this organization of the church for good and righteous purposes, with the organization of the `Danites,' of the apostate Avard."

This latter and legitimate organization was revived at the breaking up and evacuation of Nauvoo, some years later, and under it the great exodus of twenty thousand people from Illinois to the Salt Lake Valley was conducted.

The matter of Avard's deception and secret proceedings are again referred to in an official communication from President Smith, to the church from Liberty prison, under date of 16th of December, 1838:

"We have learned also since we have been prisoners, that many false and pernicious things, which were calculated to lead the saints far astray and to do great injury, have been taught by Dr. Avard as coming from the presidency, and we have reason to fear that many other designing and corrupt characters like unto himself, have been teaching many things which the presidency never knew were being taught in the church by anybody until after they were made prisoners. Had they known of such things they would have spurned them and their authors as they would the gates of hell. Thus we find that there have been frauds and secret abominations and evil works of darkness going on, leading the minds of the weak and unwary into confusion and distraction, and all the time palming it off upon the presidency, while the presidency were ignorant as well as innocent of those things which those persons were practicing in the church in their name."

THE PERSISTENCE OF FALSEHOOD

A lie once hatched, how long it lives! How easy it is for people to believe what they desire established as fact! How slight the evidence needs to be in support of an untruth, if only it ministers to their prejudices! Here is the testimony of this man Avard and of Marsh and of Hyde and of Phelps, respecting the existence in the church of the "Danite Band:" the first a traitor and perjurer, if his testimony before Judge King was true; for in that event he was under oath not to reveal that which he revealed, hence a perjured man. All the world knows the worthlessness of such a witness.

It is not known how far Hyde's testimony supported Marsh's statements. He merely "knew some of the things" Marsh testified of, the rest he "believed to be true." After the church was safely settled in Illinois, Orson Hyde returned to the church, confessed his errors, made amends as far as lay in him the power, and was reinstated in the church and in his office. In later years he said in tears to his friend John Taylor, that he would give his life if only recollection of his support to Marsh's affidavit could be wiped out.

Phelps in a deeply repentant spirit returned to the church in the summer of 1840; humbly made acknowledgment of his errors in Missouri, and was forgiven by the church and reinstated in his standing. Even Marsh returned to the church. He was baptized at Florence, Nebraska, in July, 1857, and the same year moved to the main body of the church in Utah, where for several years he lived upon the bounty of the very people he had betrayed, a poor, shattered, broken down old man. On several occasions, in public as well as in private, he said: "If any of you want to see the effects of apostasy, look upon me."

Notwithstanding the testimony upon which the existence of the "Danite Band" in the church is of so questionable a character, given by men under the stress of fear and great excitement--men anxious to be received into the favor of the "old settlers," and of the militia and civil officers of the state, as the only means of finding security for themselves and families; notwithstanding most of the principal witnesses to the alleged fact, after the stress under which they testified was removed, confessed their error and returned to the church, begging forgiveness and seeking reinstatement; notwithstanding the fact that men within the church of the highest probity, of character denied the existence of this secret, oath-bound band of assassins within the church--beyond the existence of the society organized by Dr. Avard as explained in these pages, and which in no way received the sanction or approval of responsible church authorities, and "which died almost as soon as it was born"--notwithstanding all this, belief in the existence of the "Danites" in the "Mormon" church is quite general among non-"Mormons;" and every irregularity that has occurred in the church since these Missouri days, every act of violence in the frontier life of Utah, almost every militia movement in which "Mormons" have been engaged, has been set down as so many acts and movements of the "Danites."

Murderers and desperadoes on the frontiers of the inter-mountain west; as also the camp followers along the trails of the church from the Missouri river to the Rocky Mountains, have not been slow to recognize the advantage of having this alleged band of assassins on which they could load the responsibilities for their own crimes, and make the church the scapegoat for the sins of the mythical "Danites." Even people having fellowship in the church have sometimes been misled into believing in the existence of such a secret band, and in speech and in written word have treated the "Danite Band" as if it were a reality. Among non-"Mormons" in some quarters the "Danites" have become the hob-goblin terror of "old wives' tales," relating to the "Mormons and "Mormonism." They do not exist, however, and never have existed in the church with the sanction and authority of that church; nor with the knowledge and approval of the responsible officers of the church. The institution which God has founded--the church--to teach peace on earth, good will to men; to be a witness for him--of his being and the kind of being he is; to bear witness of the Christ and of the power of salvation in the gospel of the Christ; an institution which abhors murders and secret abominations, and whose chief scripture after the Bible--the Book of Mormon--repeatedly denounces such organizations as they existed among the ancient peoples whose history it contains--could never become the instigator and supporter of murderous, secret organizations, nor hope to prosper by robberies and assassinations.

"Testimonies from these sources are not always reliable, and it is to be hoped, for the sake of the two brethren, that some things were added by our enemies that they did not assert; but enough was said to make this default and apostasy very terrible. I will here state that I was in Far West at the time these affidavits were made, and was mixed up with all prominent church affairs. I was there when Thomas B. Marsh and Orson Hyde left there; and there are others present who were there at the same time. And I know that these things, referred to in the affidavits, are not true. I have heard a good deal about Danites, but I never heard of them among the Latter-day Saints. If there was such an organization, I never was made acquainted with it. * * * Thomas B. Marsh was unquestionably instigated by the devil when he made this statement, which has been read in your hearing [the foregoing affidavit). The consequence was, he was cut off from the church. * * * It would be here proper to state, however, that Orson Hyde had been sick with a violent fever for some time, and had not yet fully recovered therefrom, which, with the circumstances with which we were surrounded, and the influence of Thomas B. Marsh, may be offered as a slight palliation for his default. * * * Suffice it to say, in addition to what has previously been stated, he was cut off from the church. and of course lost his apostleship; and when he subsequently returned, and made all the satisfaction that was within his power, he was forgiven by the authorities and the people and was again reinstated in the quorum. (Address on Succession in Priesthood 1881, Taylor, pp. 8-18.)

Bennett in his role of anti-"Mormon" agitator and lecturer revived his charges of unchastity against President Smith and the church leaders; alleged the practice of polygamy; the existence of the "Danites;" secret murders and designs for the overthrow of the government of the United States! Everything in fact which gave promise of creating a sensation. He finally published a book under the title The History of the Saints; or an Expose of Joe Smith and Mormonism.

Two special sessions of the city council were devoted to an inquiry into the cause of alarm on the part of these men. It appears from the minutes of the proceedings that the trouble arose from some of the night guards discussing who the "Judas" was on whom the Missourians relied to betray the Prophet, with the result that suspicions had fallen upon William Law. This "talk of the street" had alarmed Mr. Law and his friends, and hence came the charges that the night guards of the city were under secret orders from the mayor and oath-bound "to put out of the way" those suspected of treachery to the Prophet; that the organization of "Danites" had been revived and a reign of terror was to be inaugurated. The existence of such conditions was stoutly denied by the mayor and many others. The night guards in a body and at each of the special sessions of the city council denied the charges of being oath-bound, or of having received other instructions than those given in open council by the mayor at the time they received their appointment. The complainants against the guards and the city administration appeared at a very great disadvantage at the investigation.

3rd. That the Mormon Government, with Brigham Young at its head, is now forming alliance with Indian tribes in Utah and adjoining territories--stimulating the Indians to acts of hostility--and organizing bands of his own followers under the name of `Danites or Destroying Angels,' to prosecute a system of robbery and murders upon American citizens, who support the authority of the United States, and denounce the infamous and disgusting practices and institutions of the Mormon government."

The exposure of McMillan through the affidavits of leading citizens of San Pete county did not deter the gentleman from continuing his mendacity, for on the 31st of April, of the same year of his exposure, in the city of Denver, Colorado, he delivered himself practically of the same story. Indeed he was introduced by the local minister in Denver, Rev. Mr. Hayes, as "the man who carried the Cross into the camp of the Danites in the face of death, and preached the gospel of Christ with his hand on his pistol." McMillan on the occasion repeated the story of Brigham Young ordering his death, and of the assaults upon his house, when he "forgot he was a minister and thought only of his pistol!"

HISTORICAL ATLAS OF MORMONISM

Historical Atlas of Mormonism p.46

Explanations of the Mormons' role have usually centered on the semisecret Danites, a group dedicated to unequivocal support of the Church leadership. Danites quickly expelled dissidents from Far West after Sidney Rigdon's "Salt Sermon" of June 17, 1838. Rigdon's July 4 speech appealed to constitutional rights but implied vigilantism as he condemned "vexatious lawsuits" and threatened "extermination" of persecutors. Few Saints seemed to notice the violation of apostates' constitutional rights or that non-Mormons could also appeal to vigilantism to protect their larger community from unwanted Latter-day Saints.

The Missourians viewed the Danites as plunderers blindly following Smith's prophecy that God had given Missouri to the Saints for their "New Jerusalem." The Saints perceived the Missourians as bigots eager to drive out Mormons and obtain their improved lands. There was some basis for such exaggerations, but a deeper problem was the shared frontier ethos, which permitted, even encouraged, violence in certain situations. When legal appeals and diplomacy failed and conflict was joined, a war mentality melded militiaman with mobber, Saint with radical Danite. Examination of the conflicts of 1838 indicate both sides burned homes, threatened towns, and confiscated goods and animals. Each group justified such Acts as military necessity, self-defense, or proper revenge.

Andrew Jenson, Church Chronology, October 27, 1838 (Saturday)

About this time Sampson Avard, an apostate, secretly organized a company called Danites. The Church used all proper means to expose and counteract his schemes.

BYU REGIONAL STUDIES MISSOURI

John K. Carmack, BYU, Regional Studies, Missouri

Regional Studies, Missouri, Carmack—Missouri Era, p. 2

Editors, Arnold K. Garr, Clark V. Johnson

Department of Church History and Doctrine

Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah, 1994

Missouri Era: Residue of Wisdom

Elder John K. Carmack

INTRODUCTION

The history of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints in Missouri is a fascinating study. For Latter-day Saints that history cannot be understood using the historical method alone, for it includes a sacred past and a prophetic future. [Regional Studies, Missouri, Introduction pg. i]

Revelation teaches that Missouri is the place of the Garden of Eden and also the place where Adam and Eve and their posterity dwelt after their expulsion from the Garden (D&C 107:53; 116). The Prophet Joseph Smith specifies that near the end of his life Adam or Michael "called Seth, Enos, Cainan, Mahalaleel, Jared, Enoch, and Methuselah, who were all high priests, with the residue of his posterity who were righteous, into the valley of Adam-ondi-Ahman, and there bestowed upon them his last blessing" (D&C 107:53). The Prophet continued, "He called together his children and blessed them with a patriarchal blessing."1

The specific location of this reunion is identified as Spring Hill, Daviess County, Missouri (D&C 116). While Adam and his children were meeting, the Savior appeared and blessed Adam, and said to him, "I have set thee to be at the head; a multitude of nations shall come of thee, and thou art a prince over them forever" (D&C 107:55). Thus, anciently the Lord bestowed his blessing upon Adam and prophesied that in the future Adam will preside over a multitude of nations.2

Revelation did not stop with the ancients. Early in 1831, while residing in Kirtland, the Prophet Joseph Smith received directions from the Lord concerning the establishment of Zion on the American Continent. He learned that Zion was to be located in Missouri (D&C 57:1-2). Reason causes one to think that moving to Missouri would be the last thing on the Prophet's mind as he struggled with a growing Church at Kirtland. After all, western Missouri was the edge of the American frontier in 1831, and frontiersmen were rough, course, and uncultured people. Most of the Saints had lived their lives in a more refined eastern culture. [Regional Studies, Missouri, Introduction pg. i-ii]

Even though Joseph knew that Zion was to be in Missouri, it was not until he and other Church members had arrived in western [p.ii] Missouri that the Lord revealed the "place of the city of Zion." Joseph learned that Zion's center place was located at Independence, Missouri, and that the "spot for the temple is lying westward, upon a lot which is not far from the courthouse" (D&C 57:2-3). In a subsequent revelation the Saints were commanded to build a temple there. Failure to do so, along with contention and other transgressions, brought about their expulsion from Jackson County in 1834 (D&C 97:10; 101:2-6, 45, 53). Regional Studies, Missouri, Introduction pg. ii

Even though the Saints had been driven from the center place of Zion, they did not give up trying to establish themselves in other parts of Missouri. By 1838 they had settled Far West and had farms in much of Caldwell County and southern Daviess County. During that year the Prophet Joseph Smith led a group of men to the valley where Adam had dwelt. He wrote:

This morning we struck our tents and formed a line of march, crossing Grand River at the mouth of Honey Creek and Nelson's Ferry. Grand River is a large, beautiful, deep and rapid stream, during the high waters of Spring, and will undoubtedly admit of navigation by steamboat and other water craft. At the mouth of Honey Creek is a good landing. We pursued our course up the river, mostly through timber, for about eighteen miles, when we arrived at Colonel Lyman Wight's home. He lives at the foot of Tower Hill,…where we camped for the Sabbath.3

That Sabbath afternoon, the Prophet, Sidney Rigdon, and George W. Robinson walked to Spring Hill to lay out a city.4 Shortly after the Prophet's visit, some of the Saints joined Lyman Wight and began to build the city of Adam-ondi-Ahman. The name was shortened to "Diahman" by its citizens.

The cities of Zion in Jackson and Daviess Counties were not completed before the Mormons were driven from Missouri during the winter of 1838 and 1839.

The papers in this publication primarily include information from the Mormon experience during the 1830s. Members of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints resided in Missouri from mid-summer 1831 until they were forced to leave by Governor Lilburn W. Boggs' exterminating order issued in October 1838. By March 1839 almost all of the Mormons had left Missouri. Some papers detail the conflicts between them and the Missourians, and list the traditional reasons—political, social, economic, slavery, cultural, and religious—for their expulsion. Other writers break the bonds of traditional history and reach into the concepts of Zion, [p.iii] temples, and the law of consecration. However, persecution reigns supreme as details of the Mormon exodus from Jackson County, the Haun's Mill Massacre, the battle at Crooked River, the forced evacuation of De Witt, and the fall of Far West are unfolded by the various authors. Regional Studies, Missouri, Introduction pg. iii

Many of the papers represent a convenient summary of helpful information from these secondary sources. Others represent significant use of primary sources and add to the body of knowledge concerning the Mormon experience in Missouri during the 1830s.

Even though the Saints were not totally obedient to the commandments of the Lord and were driven from Missouri, they accomplished much of what He intended for that time. The Savior told them that he brought them to Zion that they "might be obedient,…might be honored in laying the foundation [of Zion], and in bearing record of the land upon which the Zion of God shall stand" (D&C 58:6-7). In addition, He acknowledged their efforts and the overpowering persecution. He said:

Verily, verily, I say unto you, that when I give a commandment to any of the sons of men to do a work unto my name, and those sons of men go with all their might and with all they have to perform that work, and cease not their diligence, and their enemies come upon them and hinder them from performing that work, behold, it behooveth me to require that work no more at the hands of those sons of men, but to accept of their offerings. (D&C 124:49)

Additional revelations promised the Saints' righteous descendants a future in the land of Zion (D&C 103:15; 105:27-29; 136:18). Adam-ondi-Ahman "is the place where Adam shall come to visit his people," wrote the Prophet Joseph Smith. It is the place where "the Ancient of Days shall sit, as spoken of by Daniel the Prophet."5 Clearly the land of Missouri is still in the prophetic future of the Latter-day Saints.

The Missouri Symposium in LDS Church History, sponsored by the Department of Church History and Doctrine and the Religious Studies Center, was held in the early spring and summer of 1991.

On 29 and 30 March 1991 a two-day seminar was held on BYU Campus during which 38 scholars and historians delivered papers and participated in panel discussions. Milton V. Backman chaired the seminar committee. [Regional Studies, Missouri, Introduction pg. iv]

The summer symposium took place on site in Missouri, 18-25 July 1991. Clark V. Johnson, Keith W. Perkins, and Bruce A. Van Orden made arrangements for the trip and on-site presentations.

The papers in this publication were selected and edited by Arnold K. Garr and Clark V. Johnson. We thank Charles D. Tate, Jr., and his staff in the BYU Religious Studies Center-Publications Office for their assistance.

Missouri Era: Residue of Wisdom

Elder John K. Carmack

It is hard to find a winner in the tragic events which comprise the Missouri era of Church history. Looking back we seem to see an old movie in which the speeding locomotive pulling dozens of cars behind it is approaching a country intersection towards which an automobile is speeding on the highway, each unaware of the other, with no warning signal to alert either the train conductor or the automobile driver. The spectators see it all unfolding before their eyes with a sense of impending doom. Looking back on the events and assessing negligence, blame, and proximate cause does not lessen the toll in life, property and carnage. Regional Studies, Missouri, Carmack—Missouri Era, p. 1

There was enough blame to go around and plenty of losers. The big loser was Governor Lilburn W. Boggs of Missouri, who became known nationally as the author of an order to exterminate a whole segment of his state's population—the Mormons. Repeated attempts to get Governor Boggs to go to the scene to ascertain the true situation reached deaf ears. He preferred, it seems, to act on rumors and dubious accusations.1 The state of Missouri became tarred with the brushes of prejudice, lawlessness, and brutality for its treatment of the Mormons. The residue of that brutal and lawless era remains a part of Missouri's heritage, although present day Missourians are in no way responsible for the events of the 1830s.

The reputations of Generals John B. Clark and Samuel D. Lucas were tarnished by a combination of pettiness, ego, and prejudice during the Mormon War. Their unseemly management of the roles assigned during the skirmish with the Mormons was noised abroad and thus did little to enhance their places in history.

On the other side of the fence were the Mormons, fighting for their lives and property. Missouri citizens and officials seemed to have believed that they had the right to expel a large group of men and women because they disliked and feared them. Although the Saints were clearly the injured party, some among them hurt their cause. Sampson Avard was perhaps the leading loser for his part in leading a small secretive organization to engage in activities of [p.2] fanatical zeal. Avard successfully escaped blame and prosecution for his excesses by pointing the finger at Joseph Smith. By making the Prophet responsible for his own complicity, Avard besmirched his own reputation, although it probably saved his life in the short run. Regional Studies, Missouri, Carmack—Missouri Era, p. 2

Avard's self-serving and unreliable testimony at the preliminary court hearing involving charges against Joseph Smith and his companions in arms has raised questions of what Joseph Smith and Sidney Rigdon knew.2 Similar questions are still raised by writers unsympathetic to The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints in modern-day attempts to discredit both Joseph Smith and the Church. Even today the label "Danites" is recklessly pinned on the Church when attempts are made to discredit it by tying it in with foul play of one kind or another.

Other Latter-day Saints whose reputations were tainted for their involvement in Missouri affairs include William W. Phelps, Oliver Cowdery, David and John Whitmer, Lyman Johnson, George Hinkle, John Corrill, and Reed Peck. The disunity they caused by their disloyalty to Joseph Smith and the Church remains a murky part of their past. Sidney Rigdon is remembered for his so-called "salt sermon" of 19 June, and for the inflammatory conclusion to his 4 July 1838 Independence Day oration at Far West.

It is, however, easier to find tragedy than joy on either side of the monumental eruption caused by the clash of social and religious forces in Missouri during the decade of the 1830's. It was especially costly in lives and property for the great body of Mormons who were the victims of the events and suffered greatly.

There were also a few winners who emerged from the squalor of the era. Brigham Young's powerful and energetic leadership ability emerged intact. Supported by Heber C. Kimball, the rest of the Quorum of the Twelve and others, he and his companions gathered the resources of the bruised and beaten Latter-day Saints. And in behalf of the families of the men embroiled in what they saw as the defense of their wives, children, property, and principles of freedom under the law and Constitutions of Missouri and the , they rescued them from the mobocracy and tyranny that existed in Missouri during that time. Brigham Young's future role as an outstanding leader of the Mormon pioneers and as a [p.3] colonizer of the inter-mountain area was foreshadowed in the dark events of Missouri.3

General Alexander Doniphan's personal integrity and fairness together with his powerful understanding and advocacy of constitutional and legal principles which should have governed even angry and combative men left him, already an imposing figure in Missouri society, with an even greater reputation among men, which continues to this day. He was a lawyer and served three terms in the Missouri State legislature.4 Regional Studies, Missouri, Carmack—Missouri Era, p. 3

The death of Elder David W. Patten of the Council of the Twelve in the Battle of Crooked River carved for him a place in history as a martyr for a cause he believed in and acted to serve.5

The question I desire to address now is whether out of the human misery and angry civil war which erupted in Missouri there are any residual benefits from the experience. Did any good thing come out of it? Can we reap the benefit of some wisdom and insight as a result of the tragic events starting in Jackson County and culminating in the exodus to the generous community of Quincy, Illinois? In the general epistle to the Saints dictated by Joseph Smith from Liberty Jail during his six months of incarceration, Joseph was told by revelation and inspiration that "all these things shall give thee experience, and shall be for thy good" (D&C 122:7). Can we find the evidence of such experience and benefits?

One of the most important things remaining from the Missouri experience is a general epistle dictated by Joseph Smith. It may be worth the whole tragic episode. We have the original and a copy preserved in the church archives. It was written down by Alexander McRae in a beautiful handwriting style. More important, of course, than the physical preservation of the letter are the inspired utterances found in it. Fortunately for the worldwide Church and others interested in what Joseph Smith said when moved by the Spirit, we have extracts from that letter known as Doctrine and Covenants sections 121, 122, and 123, which are considered a treasure by the Church.6 If one looks at the revelations and writings of Joseph which came after he escaped his Missouri imprisonment, one will see some additional revelations, but not many for the last five years of Joseph's life. These and other Missouri writings constitute a great residue of wisdom. Hardly a day goes by without some Church leader or member referring to or quoting from them.

Regional Studies, Missouri, Carmack—Missouri Era, p. 4

In effect, Joseph established a constitution for the individual in exercising the priesthood in section 121. It was to be done only on the principles of righteousness, in gentleness, meekness, love unfeigned, kindness, pure knowledge, with a mind and heart garnished with virtue. Even reproof was to be tempered with love. The content of section 121, coming from the furnace fueled by prejudice, mobocracy, and injustice is an astonishing and ironic legacy of the tragic Missouri period. In the years following we have been guided in part by those words. There is a moderating Christian influence in the Liberty Jail letter. The strains of adversity were to be tempered by the peace of Christ and hope of triumph over adversity. The brethren in jail seemed to take strength and glory in their trials. They felt themselves in league with the ancient prophets in experiencing prison deprivation, harsh treatment, wrongful charges, physical suffering, and absence from families. Regional Studies, Missouri, Carmack—Missouri Era, p. 4

Other letters written from jail by Joseph and the autobiography of Parley P. Pratt are also literary treasures. They grew out of the dark days of Missouri. Parley P. Pratt's autobiographical account reads like a thrilling novel as he tells us of the daring dash for freedom by him and his companions before the eyes of the astonished citizenry of Columbia, Missouri, celebrating the Fourth of July in 1839.7

We can look back on that Missouri experience, moreover, and glean wisdom as we harvest kernels of truth and principles of organization that yet carry the Church and its people forward. A few of these will be mentioned now.

A struggle to obtain and administer financing for the Church with its ambitious temple building and costs of administration entangled the brethren in controversy, conflicts of interest, and hard feelings. Living the law of consecration had proved difficult at best, given the imperfection of men and women, and the necessity of living among those not involved with the Church, operating under a free economic society.

It was at Far West, Missouri, on 8 July 1838, that the concept of a standing law to finance the Church by having members "pay one-tenth of all [their] interest annually" (D&C 119:4) was revealed through Joseph the Prophet. When the Saints have lived that financial law, the benefits have been great for the Church and its ambitious missionary program, meetinghouse and temple building [p.5] operations, and general financial burdens. Its strength is its utter simplicity. Observers marvel at its success and benefits.

In addition to revealing the source of needed funds, the Lord made clear at that date (1838) who was to have the authority and responsibility to administer them (D&C 119). There is still in full operation a Council on the Disposition of Tithing Funds which makes final decisions on major financial matters for the Church. The previous confusion as to the ownership and authority to manage funds, which was partly responsible for finger pointing and disunity in Missouri, has given way to order, clarity, and authority in these matters. The Church's financially sound administration, then, comes in part as a legacy from the terror-filled days of Missouri (See D&C 119 and 120). Regional Studies, Missouri, Carmack—Missouri Era, p. 5

The dark days of disunity and competition for position and power which started in Kirtland continued in Missouri. This disunity led to the disfellowshipment and excommunication of some of the leaders. With some of the leading brethren unwilling to support the policies and leadership of Joseph Smith, the fledgling Church had to use a disciplinary structure with as yet unclarified lines of authority and untested procedures for handling dissent, apostasy, conspiracy, and disloyalty. The necessity of survival, when under attack from within and without, led the Church to clarify and create procedures to cleanse itself from internal quarrels and save the growing body of the Saints from extermination, starvation, and the other horrors of mob rule and militia attack.

Church leaders firmed up procedures to excommunicate such luminaries as Oliver Cowdery and David Whitmer who, though arguments could be stated for the logic of their viewpoint, had become disloyal to the Church and its prophet.8 These cleansing actions benefitted the Church and perhaps made possible its survival as a unified institution, even with Joseph, Hyrum, and Sidney in prison. Of necessity the Church learned it could only survive as an institution if strong measures were taken to cleanse the inner vessel. In spite of these grave trials in Missouri, the great body of the Saints stayed with the good ship Zion and lived to gather again in Illinois.

The lessons learned from this period are not far from our institutional memory today, and the benefits persist. We still have dissent. Honest statements of differences can be beneficial if not based on anger, hate, pride, or a destructive agenda. Ever since [p.6] Missouri, our local and general leaders have grappled with such problems, and have developed policy and procedures to both cleanse the Church and assist the individual caught up in such things. We are continuing to learn to survive as a viable institution by dealing with such problems as those with which we were forced to deal in Missouri. Regional Studies, Missouri, Carmack—Missouri Era, p. 6

Many Missouri citizens during this period were guilty of radical and angry response to their fears. Basically these citizens feared being outvoted at the ballot box, squeezed out by the economic exclusivity of the Saints, overwhelmed in sheer numbers by the Saints who were considered to be largely northerners, diluted by what was perceived as an anti-slavery sentiment among the Saints, and having among them Indian sympathizers.9 While acknowledging the challenges the Mormons posed for Missouri citizens, I suspect that those in the country who generally knew what happened to the Mormons condemned the rise of lawlessness, prejudice, and radicalism in Missouri. It seems that there is a general recognition that simple, unabashed hatred of Mormons and the concept that "might makes right" prevailed in Missouri at the time.

One of the sad and destructive footnotes of the Missouri melee was the rise of a small element of overzealous, even fanatical members and former members of the Church. It is clear that on the whole the Church's participation in the violent scenes of Missouri was defensive in response to mob action from Missouri citizens and the officially sanctioned militia, which rose only slightly above mob rule.

The activities of a few Saints who turned to acts of plunder and terror against the Missourians marred in some measure the largely sympathetic reaction of the rest of the nation. While their motives may have been sincere and good, zeal was taken to excess by Sampson Avard and those who joined with him. In a recent article published in BYU Studies in the winter of 1988, Dean Jessee and David Whittaker argue convincingly that the concept behind the Danites was taken from the symbolism and prophecies of the Old Testament regarding God's children establishing God's kingdom as prophesied by Daniel.10 Under Avard's leadership, some of our defenders took on extremism, lawlessness, and secretive procedures. We do not believe that Avard's testimony in the pre-trial hearings in Richmond, Missouri, against Joseph can be relied on to [p.7] establish the truth of Joseph's sanction of and leadership over Avard's secret activities. Joseph, and others more reliable than Avard, denied his claim. Attempts to involve Joseph as the major leader of a reckless and secret society have been relied on by his enemies and are still being talked about in ways that have never been corroborated by reliable evidence. Today the term "Danites" would hardly be remembered, and then only in a healthy way, had it not been for the extremist activities of a few associated with the name and the false testimony of Avard which those unsympathetic to the Saints were and are only too willing to believe. Regional Studies, Missouri, Carmack—Missouri Era, p. 7

Such radical elements caused a painful sub-chapter to the Missouri plot. We have learned that members of the Church as well as undisciplined Missourians committed acts of disloyalty, extremism, and foolishness. We have fanatical and unbalanced members and former members today as we did in Missouri. They need to be taught and dealt with fairly, but firmly. Today, for example, we have those who would outdo the prophet in "super-religiosity," going far beyond reason and revelation, advocating and teaching extreme doctrines and practices. Some have become tax evaders whose tight logic leads them to break the laws of the state and nation and causes them and their disciples to take a radical and lawless path. As a Church we need to be on the watch for extremism and pride on the part of those who believe they know more than the prophets and who seek to correct our prophets. They lead themselves and others into dangerous paths. Many are sincere, but unteachable and destructive in their behavior. That particular legacy of the Missouri era is one from which we still suffer but of which we have learned to be wary. Our fanatical and radical elements need to be carefully handled.

We also learned from Missouri that Church leaders need to keep entirely separate their personal property and Church property. Church money and other property is held by Church officers in a sacred trust for the mission and functions of the Church and its members.

The Church needs to have clear lines of authority so that we know who is responsible for particular duties and functions. This will help avoid misunderstanding and confusion. Missouri helped teach us that. Our church disciplinary councils likewise need to be kept fair, merciful, workable and with clearly designated responsibility. Abuse of such process needs to have a way of being checked [p.8] through a process of appeal. The muddy waters of the Missouri era helped us understand and move forward with such clarification of Church government.

Both Kirtland and Missouri remind us constantly of the need to avoid speculation and get-rich schemes, both as an institution and as individual members. We still have a tiny element among our membership with the misguided notion that getting rich by using the money and time of others is pleasing to God. The opposite is true. The official Church has long used sound and conservative practices and policies, perhaps in part as a result of the early mistakes of inexperienced leaders from the Kirtland-Missouri era.11 Church members can benefit by following the example of the Church in these matters. Regional Studies, Missouri, Carmack—Missouri Era, p. 8

A more difficult problem still plagues us to some extent—block voting. In most places the Saints are just a fraction of the population and are not looked upon with fear or suspicion at election time. Occasionally, however, and constantly in Utah and a few surrounding states, there is a tendency to fear the Mormon vote or to blame the Mormons for the political climate, specific legislation, and nearly every public and private problem. Joseph Smith understood well the fears of the citizens in those communities where the Saints gathered. He explained that block voting was not the result of Church policy, but rather a natural phenomenon of people voting together because of beliefs which tended to be parallel to one party, one candidate, or one legislative issue. Scrupulous separation in politics and voting and in the administration of government is essential. This is something we learned in part from Missouri, as well as Ohio, Illinois, and our early Utah experience. We must guard against the misuse of the Church organization by the ambitious, and the temptation to abuse the official church machinery. The First Presidency is constantly on guard against such abuse. Great care is taken to distinguish between actions and rights exercised by members as citizens and actions dictated or even suggested by the Church as an institution. There is little doubt that this concern was the greatest fear of Missouri's citizens regarding the Church. Even with that residue of Missouri wisdom, we are constantly accused of dictating policy in Utah. There is little foundation for such accusations, but we do assert the right to have influence in a state in which over 70% of the population are members of the Church.

Regional Studies, Missouri, Carmack—Missouri Era, p. 9

Some would strip the Church of any influence on moral questions and would remove its right to let its position be known on questions involving the moral climate of our communities. We must be wise and communicate clearly our belief in the separation of church and state, yet not be stripped of our power and duty to be a righteous force in our communities. Rumors and accusations making the Church the scapegoat for every ill are read and heard often. This Missouri problem is still with us, yet our experiences of the past have left us with wisdom in confronting this issue.

Let me add just a few additional lessons of wisdom coming from the Missouri era. As a people, Missouri has taught us to solve problems, not just point the finger of blame at people within and without the Church.

We have learned to keep our economic life separate from our spiritual life in most aspects when living in a diverse community. Early in Missouri we raised fears with our tendency to be a closed economic society within the larger Missouri communities of Jackson, Clay, Ray, Caldwell, and Daviess counties. We caused genuine concern based upon our economic policies and practices.

Some of those concerns still persist where we have a large gathering of Saints, but not to such a great extent. We need, however, to be on guard even today against economic boycotting of neighbors whose religions differ from ours.

Without being overly critical of our noble and embattled predecessors in Missouri, we suggest they could have had more patience and persistence in following legal and constitutional procedures during the conflict. The unlawful and ugly prejudice and aggression against them was almost more than they could bear, and at times they reacted with impatience outside the law, especially when the more fanatic and extreme elements among them were given opportunity to act. We must always obey the law, except when an emergency requires immediate self-defense which would itself be a lawful and understandable response to the fair-minded. We have been more careful in the years following Missouri, although we continued to be provoked during certain periods of Utah history. Regional Studies, Missouri, Carmack—Missouri Era, p. 9-10

I think it is safe to say we have been more alert since Missouri to individual and institutional preparation for times of tribulation, more committed to our safety and security, and have learned to stand up in legal and proper ways for our rights. We need always [p.10] to state our side of a controversial issue clearly, and accommodate the rights of others, but avoid strident rhetoric.

Regional Studies, Missouri, Carmack—Missouri Era, p. 10

I hope we have learned not to boast of our revelations and spiritual gifts, although sometimes our letters to the editors make us wonder if we have learned that Missouri lesson well enough. Some of our people gave Jackson County residents concern and seeming justification for their unlawful acts against the Saints by boasting that God would give the Saints the properties of Jackson County no matter what those residents did.12 The intervention of God is best left quietly in God's own hands and with trust in his ways. His ways and thoughts are always higher than ours.

Missouri was a somewhat tragic period. It was a somewhat lawless period. The constitutions of both Missouri and the United States were trampled by mobs, militia, and governors. Not all Missouri citizens agreed with the lawlessness and hostility. There were living in Missouri during that time many men and women of good will, and certainly the people who live there today are not in any way responsible for the tragic events of the 1830s.

In summary, then, we see the following benefits coming from the Missouri experience:

• We constantly draw inspiration from sections 121, 122 and 123 of the Doctrine and Covenants, extracted from the Joseph Smith epistle dictated in Liberty Jail.

• Our system of tithing and its administration has kept us on sound ground ever since the Missouri revelation established that inspired means of financing the Church.

• The orderly procedures and lodging of responsibility for disciplining members, even those in high and holy callings, were refined in the Kirtland/Missouri era as some of our early leaders were caught up in a spirit of disaffection.

• We have learned to be on the watch for the doctrines and practices of those who would harm the Church and its members through pride, fanaticism, radicalism, poor balance, and poor judgment. Our ability to handle the problems is a matter of experience and wisdom, of which a part is the residue of our Missouri era.

• Establishing clear lines of authority was another legacy from the period.

• We have learned to be careful as a Church concerning get-rich-quick schemes. A small element among us seems still to be affected with that injurious mentality.

• We are wiser than we were in political matters due to our Missouri experience. Block voting is still an accusation heard in the land. Undue influence in government policy is a repeated and tiring accusation today. Finding the balance between showing responsibility and concern on the one hand, and keeping church and state separate on the other, is a problem we are dealing with much more effectively.

• Our tendency to exclude other citizens in economic practices in Missouri caused some of the fear in the hearts of citizens. We are more careful to separate economic commerce from Church practices today.

• Patience with legal procedures, addressing problems which arise head-on, being cautious to be prepared for emergencies and safety issues, learning to stand up for our rights in kinder and gentler tones, trying to quell boastfulness and pride, and having greater faith and trust in God are additional Missouri lessons.

Yes, "All these things shall give thee experience, and shall be for thy good" Joseph dictated under the inspiration of the Holy Ghost (D&C 122:7). Those lessons and benefits I have mentioned are but a few of the gains resulting from our Missouri experiences. Wisdom comes from such experience and often is the residue of an otherwise tragic period of history. May we study our history, understand its lessons, and use the lessons available to us.

BYU REGIONAL STUDIES MISSOURI THOMAS MARSH

Thomas B. Marsh: Reluctant Apostate

A. Gary Anderson, Regional Studies, Thomas Marsh, p.13

Thomas B. Marsh was born in Acton (Middlesex County), Massachusetts on 1 November 1800.1 In 1829, he learned of the Book of Mormon and in 1830 he was baptized after the Church of Jesus Christ had been organized. Thus, Thomas B. Marsh had been with the Church from the beginning. Marsh was very active during the years 1831 to 1837. He was among the early missionaries sent to Missouri in 1831 and later led a group of Saints from Kirtland to Missouri that settled in Jackson County in 1832.2 Marsh was in Clay County when Zion's Camp arrived in 1834. He returned to Kirtland in 1835, was called to the Twelve Apostles, and became the first president of that quorum. Following his call as an apostle, he participated in the missionary work of the Twelve from 1835 to 1836.3 He visited Missouri temporarily in April 1836, but returned to Kirtland in June 1837 to support the Prophet Joseph Smith during the Kirtland apostasy.

Marsh, therefore, proved to be a very active supporter of Joseph Smith and was instrumental in the Church's growth and welfare in the early days. His service and dedication greatly benefitted the Church. Marsh's actions sustained the growth of the Church in Missouri, and he made his home there. However, during the final days of the Mormons in Missouri, Marsh severed himself from the Church and remained aloof for over seventeen years.

As the President of the Quorum of the Twelve, Thomas B. Marsh, along with Hyrum Smith, was commissioned by the Prophet Joseph Smith to carry a letter to the Saints in Missouri.4 Leaving Kirtland with Hyrum Smith, President Marsh arrived at his home in Far West in October 1837, just in time for the birth of his eighth child, a daughter who was named Mary Elizabeth.5

Regional Studies, Missouri, G. Anderson—Thomas Marsh, p.13-14

Thomas and Hyrum carried with them the minutes of the Church's September Conference in Kirtland, Joseph's letter of greeting to the Missouri Saints, and other important notices. No doubt they also had a copy of a revelation (dated 4 September 1837) [p.14] that chastised two of the Missouri church leaders, John Whitmer and W. W. Phelps:

Verily thus saith the Lord unto you my servant Joseph—my servants John Whitmer and William W. Phelps have done those things which are not pleasing in my sight, therefore if they repent not they shall be removed out of their places. Amen.6

At this same time Joseph had prepared an announcement that warned the Church against the disaffection of the Witnesses to the Book of Mormon. The announcement read in part that David Whitmer and others "have been in transgression, but we hope that they may be humble and ere long make satisfaction to the Church, otherwise they cannot retain their standing." The notice further indicated that Oliver Cowdery had been in transgression, "but as [Oliver Cowdery] is now chosen as one of the presidents or counselors, I trust he will yet humble himself and magnify his calling," if not, he too would be removed.7

In the latter part of October or first of November 1837, Joseph Smith followed his brother Hyrum and Elder Marsh to Far West. Soon after the Prophet's arrival, a conference was held on 7 November 1837. During the conference, Marsh refused to sustain Frederick G. Williams as a counselor to Joseph Smith in the First Presidency and also refused to sustain David Whitmer, W. W. Phelps and John Whitmer as the presidency of the Church in Missouri. The Missouri presidency was sustained, however, in spite of his opposition, but Hyrum Smith was sustained in place of President Williams. Marsh served as conference moderator and Oliver Cowdery served as conference clerk. The Prophet was pleased generally, notwithstanding these reverses with the situation in Missouri, but returned prematurely to Kirtland because of the death of Hyrum's wife, Jerusha Barden.8

During the winter of 1837-1838, Thomas B. Marsh remained with his family in Far West. Following the Prophet's departure, troubles arose among the Saints once again. George M. Hinckle, John Murdock and others questioned the conduct of the stake presidency in Far West. Among other things, they accused the Far West presidency of misusing "the money which I [Thomas B. Marsh] had borrowed in the Tennessee and Kentucky Branches in 1836."9 In February 1838, when the Church failed to sustain the stake presidency at Far West, Thomas B. Marsh and David W. [p.15] Patten released the stake presidency and appointed themselves as presidents pro tem, until Joseph Smith would arrive.10

Not knowing that the Prophet had already left Kirtland on his return to Missouri, Elder Marsh wrote a letter to the Prophet Joseph saying, "Your presence is absolutely necessary for the salvation of this church." He explained to the Prophet that "although these men speak against your proceedings, they are mute when you are present." In spite of the disaffection of some of the leaders, Elder Marsh assured the Prophet Joseph that the "great body is determined to follow you."11

During the meeting in which David Whitmer, W. W. Phelps, and John Whitmer were replaced for the misuse of funds, President Marsh read the revelation saying that Phelps and John Whitmer, if not repentant, should be removed from their place. Marsh indicated the men had sold their property in Jackson County against the counsel of the Prophet. George M. Hinkle stated that David Whitmer was also in the wrong in persisting in the use of tea, coffee and tobacco.12

Learning of Joseph's pending arrival on 14 March 1838, Elder Marsh rode eight miles out of Far West to meet the Prophet and Brigham Young, who had fled for their lives from Kirtland. Joseph Smith wrote:

When within eight miles of the city of Far West, we were met by an escort of brethren from the city, viz., Thomas B. Marsh, John Corrill, Elias Higbee, and several others of the faithful of the West, who received us with open arms and warm hearts, and welcomed us to the bosom of their society. On our arrival in the city we were greeted on every hand by the Saints, who bid us welcome to the land of their inheritance.13

Once in Far West, Joseph learned of the stake reorganization by the apostles. According to Marsh, Joseph approved the action taken. With Joseph Smith now in Far West, a conference of the Church was convened on April 6 and 7, 1838. As part of the business of the conference, Thomas B. Marsh was appointed President pro tem of the Church in Zion, and Brigham Young and David W. Patten were appointed assistant presidents. During the meeting, David W. Patten commented about his respect for the Twelve Apostles: Thomas B. Marsh, Brigham Young, Heber C. Kimball, Orson Hyde, Parley P. Pratt, and Orson Pratt were "men of God, whom he could recommend with cheerfulness and confidence."14 He also pointed out that other members of the Twelve could not be recommended [p.16] to the Saints. In further proceedings on 12 April 1838, four apostles—William E. McLellin, John Boynton, Luke Johnson, and Lyman Johnson—were excommunicated. After months of concern and labor, the quorum of twelve dwindled to eight members. But, as early as 17 April 1838, a revelation hinted that the fallen apostles would be replaced, and the Lord counseled David Patten to prepare for a mission the following spring "with others, even twelve" (D&C 114:1).

During this time, personal sorrow struck the Marsh home. Although just a few months earlier, in November 1837, little Mary Elizabeth was born, their second son, James G. Marsh, died 7 May 1838 at age fourteen. His obituary which appeared in the Elders Journal, likely written by Brother Marsh, related visions the boy experienced and his love of the gospel:

When he was but nine years of age, he had a remarkable vision in which he talked with the Father and many of the ancient Prophets face to face, and beheld the Son of God coming in his glory.

He said that the Lord showed him his own name written in the book of life in the mansions of Celestial glory, and he saw his own mansionry there. And the Lord informed him that the righteous did not die, but fell asleep to rise again in the resurrection of the Just, although the world calls it death; and to show him that there is no bitterness in the death of the righteous, he was permitted to see, in the vision, the departure of a young sister, in the church, who was the daughter of brother Hezekiah Peck, who was then living a neighbor to him, but she died shortly after he had the vision. And he said that he saw angels conduct her spirit to the celestial paradise.15

Following the death of his son, Elder Marsh remained in close company with Joseph and the brethren. He traveled north with them to Daviess County on an exploring expedition in May 1838.16 When they returned to Far West on 8 July 1838, the apostles met with the Prophet and asked to know the will of the Lord concerning them. Since Elder Marsh is mentioned specifically in the revelation, it is probable that he requested it. In the revelation, John Taylor, John E. Page, Wilford Woodruff, and Willard Richards were chosen to replace the apostles who had left the Church.17 Elder Marsh's duty, as President of the Quorum of Twelve, was to notify these new men of their calling. Wilford Woodruff was notified of his call in a letter from President Marsh.18

The revelation also instructed Marsh to remain in Missouri to publish for the Church. He was named printer and publisher of the Elders Journal, which had published its second issue in Kirtland [p.17] during November 1837. Conflicts within the Church had interrupted publication, but after receiving revelation Elder Marsh published volumes three and four at Far West during July and August 1838.

All of these actions, as an apostle and as President pro tem of the Church in Zion, clearly indicate the extent of participation and influence Thomas B. Marsh enjoyed before the Mormon expulsion from Missouri. Marsh's influence, however, was short-lived: "In August the mob recommenced their depredations against the Saints."19 Sometime during August or September of 1838, a misunderstanding took place over "cream and strippings" that embittered Thomas B. Marsh and his family. Soon thereafter, the Marsh family left the Church. Apostle George A. Smith commented on the Marsh incident in Far West: "There were two sisters wishing to make cheese, and neither of them possessing the requisite number of cows, they agreed to exchange milk." Faithful to the agreement, "Mrs. Harris…carried to Mrs. Marsh the milk and strippings, but Mrs. Marsh, wishing to make some extra good cheese, saved a pint of strippings from each cow and sent Mrs. Harris the milk without the strippings." Once it was learned what was happening the matter was referred to "the Teachers" for examination and "it was proved that Mrs. Marsh had saved the strippings." In doing this she had broken the agreement and had cheated Mrs. Harris. Not considering the matter settled the Marsh family requested that the bishop investigate the incident. In a hearing, the bishop upheld the decision of the teachers. Still not satisfied, Thomas requested that the high council decide the matter. According to Apostle Smith, "the High Council…investigated the question with much patience…[and] finally confirmed the bishop's decision." Elder Smith noted that even the high council's decision did not satisfy Thomas Marsh, and he appealed to the First Presidency, where "Joseph and his counselors had to sit upon the case, and they approved the decision of the High Council. This little affair, you will observe, kicked up a considerable breeze, and Thomas B. Marsh then declared that he would sustain the character of his wife, even if he had to go to hell for it."20

Henry William Bigler, a witness who attended the trial presided over by Bishop Edward Partridge, added that during the hearing "[Mrs. Marsh] called on God and angels to witness her [p.18] innocence. At this time the Prophet jumped up and said, `Sister Marsh, if you say that, you lie like the devil.'"21

While this event led directly to the apostasy of Elder Thomas B. Marsh, the problem was certainly more complex. During his visits to Kirtland, Marsh had expressed considerable concern about the relationship of the Twelve to the high council. He wanted proper recognition for himself and his quorum. He again demonstrated some jealousy, along with David W. Patten, when Heber C. Kimball was sent to England. Further, he had displayed pride and lack of humility as he attempted to see a heavenly vision and behold the face of God. Marsh may also have been hurt when Joseph rebuked the Twelve from time to time. He may have felt that the leadership of the Church owed him something because he defended the Prophet Joseph in Kirtland and Missouri. Many of the settlers in Far West sought control of power and money which meant greater wealth for those who could sell to the oncoming Saints. In fact, land records indicate that Marsh was among a small minority who controlled the property at Far West. Recognizing the problem, Joseph warned property holders of covetousness, but too few paid attention. In his quest for power Marsh suffered from fear as well as jealousy. He was extremely sensitive to any kind of criticism, and he finally began to question Joseph's actions. He later admitted, "I meddled with that which was not my business."22

The revelations warned Elder Marsh, "Be patient in afflictions, revile not against those that revile. Govern your house in meekness and be steadfast…. Be faithful unto the end" (D&C 31:9, 13). Again the Lord emphasized, "Inasmuch as thou hast abased thyself, thou shalt be exalted…Be thou humble" and "Exalt not yourselves; rebel not against my servant Joseph" (D&C 112:3, 10, 15).

The Lord loved this early stalwart, in spite of his self-vaunting pride. About the time Marsh was preparing to leave the Church, he received another personal revelation which attempted to change his mind before it was too late. Marsh related that he "received a revelation in the printing office." Elder Heber C. Kimball recorded that when Marsh came out

he read it to Brigham and me. In it God told him what to do, and that was to sustain Joseph and to believe what Joseph had said was true. But he took a course to sustain his wife, and oppose the Prophet of God, and she led him away.23 Regional Studies, Missouri, G. Anderson—Thomas Marsh, p.19

On October 6 and 7, 1838, Presidents Marsh and Young attempted to hold Quarterly Conference at Far West. Because of mobbings, attendance was so sparse that the normal business of the conference could not be conducted. Nevertheless, because missionaries were needed in the state of Kentucky, a call was made, and eight elders volunteered to go.24 Marsh gave his final counsel as President of the Twelve, and instructed the missionaries "not to go forth boasting of their faith, or of the judgments of the Lord; but to go in the Spirit of meekness, and preach repentance."25

Confused by these events in his life, Thomas Marsh possessed ambivalent feelings about leaving the Church. On 16 October 1838, he accompanied a group of Saints to Daviess County, Missouri, to abate mob activities there. However, his heart was not in it, and he questioned the legality of the actions of the Saints. "Pretending there was something urgent at home," Thomas returned to Far West on 21 October 1838, and he and Orson Hyde decided to leave the Church. In relation to this trip, John Taylor explained:

A number of us had been out to a place called Di-Ahman…. In coming into Far West, I heard about him (Marsh) and Orson Hyde…. Brother Heber C. Kimball and I were together, and I said to him: "I have a notion to take a team and follow after these brethren, and see if I cannot persuade them to come back," speaking particularly of Brother Marsh. "Well," said he, "if you knew him as well as I do, you would know that if he had made up his mind to go, you could not turn him." With that I gave up the idea, knowing that Brother Kimball was better acquainted with him than I was, and I did not go.26

On 24 October 1838, the enraged Marsh and Hyde rode into Richmond, Missouri, and signed an affidavit. This document declared, among other things, that Joseph Smith was leading a band of fanatics called the "Danites" who "had taken an oath to support the heads of the Church in all things they say or do, right or wrong." The affidavit further declared that

The plan of said Smith, the Prophet, is to take this state; and he professes to his people to intend taking the United States, and ultimately the whole world. This is the belief of the Church, and my own opinion of the Prophet's plans and intentions.27

Marsh felt Joseph Smith considered himself superior to the law of the land and that he would be a "second Mohammed to this generation," even if it meant wholesale bloodletting of those who stood in his way. Orson Hyde attested to Marsh's affidavit, adding [p.20] that "most of the statements…I know to be true; the remainder I believe to be true."28

In the opinion of George A. Smith this inflammatory declaration "brought from the government of Missouri an exterminating order, which drove some 15,000 saints from their homes and habitations, and some thousands perished through suffering the exposure consequent on this state of affairs."29

A few days after signing the affidavit, Marsh wrote to his sister and her husband, Anna and Lewis Abbot of Far West:

I have left the Mormons [and] Joseph Smith Jr. for conscience sake, and that alone, for I have come to the full conclusion that he is a very wicked man; notwithstanding all my efforts to persuade myself to the Contra[ry]. I also am well convinced that he will not escape the just Judgements of an offended God.30

Attributing the alleged operations of the Danites (and several other unexplained acts of violence) to Smith and Rigdon, Marsh also denounced the disposition of some members "to pillage, rob, plunder, assassinate and murder…. O my God what principles to be called the religion of Jesus Christ." Thanking God for his escape, he urged the Abbotts also to flee before they became innocent victims of the outrage certain to fall upon Far West. "I know more about this matter than you. Be advised by your Brother, and escape for your lives, for I verily believe that God will destroy that place."31

The day after Marsh signed the affidavit (25 October 1838), David W. Patten, senior member of the Twelve, was killed at the battle of Crooked River. This left Brigham Young as the senior apostle and Heber C. Kimball next in line. George A. Smith was eventually called to fill the vacancy caused by Marsh's apostasy. Apostle John Taylor, who was in Far West, described the apostasy of Marsh as a "horrible affair." He testified that the affidavits were not true: "Thomas B. Marsh was unquestionably `instigated by the devil' when he made this statement which has been read in your hearing."32 Both John Taylor and Wilford Woodruff felt Marsh's actions were not consistent with their knowledge of his character.

Orson Hyde described an incident that had occurred during the time when he and Marsh opposed the Prophet. In a letter to Robert Pierce in Philadelphia on 30 May 1844, Hyde encouraged him [Pierce] to support the Prophet:

During our temptation, David W. Patten, was shot by the enemy, and several days afterwards, while Thos. B. and myself were sitting in a log cabin [p.21] together in silent meditation, some being smote him on the shoulder, and said, with a countenance full of the deepest anxiety and solicitude, "Thomas! Thomas! why have you so soon forgotten?" Thomas told me it was David W. Patten, with whom, he not long before, had made a covenant to remain true and faithful until the end.33

This letter came at a time after Elder Hyde had been reconciled to the Prophet and to the Church. It is interesting that Marsh had been warned again by a revelation of the folly of his ways, but he persisted nonetheless.

While Marsh was in Richmond, Missouri, during the time of his apostasy, he visited with the Whitmers and Oliver Cowdery, who had also left the Church. He wrote,

I saw David, John, and Jacob Whitmer, and Oliver Cowdery, who had all apostatized.

I inquired seriously of David if it was true that he had seen the angel, according to his testimony as one of the witnesses of the Book of Mormon. He replied as sure as there is a God in heaven, he saw the angel according to his testimony in that book. I asked him, if so, why did he not stand by Joseph? He answered, in the days when Joseph received the Book of Mormon and brought it forth, he was a good man and filled with the Holy Ghost, but he considered he had now fallen. I interrogated Oliver Cowdery in the same manner, who answered similarly.34

Marsh was subsequently excommunicated from the Church at a conference at Quincy, Illinois, 17 March 1839.35

An interesting statement with regard to the seriousness of Marsh's apostasy is the following, given by the Prophet Joseph on 2 June 1839, especially when it is understood that the Prophet spent five months in jail as a result of the betrayal of Marsh and others:

O ye Twelve, and all Saints, profit by this important key, that in all your trials, troubles, and temptations, afflictions, bonds, imprisonment, and death, see to it that you do not betray heaven, that you do not betray Jesus Christ, that you do not betray your brethren, and that you do not betray the revelations of God, whether in the Bible, Book of Mormon, or Doctrine and Covenants, or any of the word of God. Yes, in all your kicking and floundering, see to it that you do not this thing, lest innocent blood be found on your skirts, and you go down to hell. We may ever know by this sign that there is danger of our being led to a fall and apostasy, when we give way to the devil so as to neglect the first known duty. But, whatever you do, do not betray your friends.36

Land records in Missouri indicate that Marsh remained in Missouri, living in Howard, Grundy, and Harrison Counties. On 20 February 1841 he purchased 80 acres of land for $100, from his [p.22] son Edward Marsh, in Howard County. He later transferred this same 80 acres to John Pastin, who apparently acted as a trustee to liquidate several debts from the sale of this land on 14 March 1845. Thomas and his wife Elizabeth sold a parcel of land in Boonsborough, Howard County, to Achillas Callaway for $19.50 on 7 November 1844.37

The history of the Church recorded very little concerning the Marsh family because they left the Church so early, and remained in Missouri. The only child mentioned was James G. Marsh, who died at age fourteen. Recent research has enhanced our knowledge of the Marsh family. Thomas B. Marsh's oldest son, Edward B. Marsh, married Louisa Fane, who died in 1849. He later married Minerva Chandler on 22 July 1849.38 Edward B. Marsh and Minerva Chandler had four children. Minerva Chandler Marsh (1831-1876), and daughter, Mary Edward Marsh (1858-1865), are buried in Clark's Chapel Cemetery located 2.5 miles northwest of Booneville in New Franklin, Missouri.39 James Robert Barton Marsh and Elizabeth Sarah Marsh were the two surviving children. Elizabeth Sarah Marsh married William Thomas Powell, whose son, William Edward Powell, married Maud Singleton, who had a family of eight children.40 Sylvia Powell Boutte, a child of this marriage, is the source of this information. She came to the Church Historical Department seeking information about Thomas B. Marsh in 1970, and has since passed away. Little else is known about Marsh's family at this time.

Thomas B. Marsh remained in Missouri for eighteen years before he returned to the Church. Upon his return and after moving to Utah, he reflected on the causes of his apostasy as follows:

About this time I got a beam in my eye and thought I could discover a mote in Joseph's eye, though it was nothing but a beam in my eye. I was so completely darkened that I did not think on the Savior's injunction: "Thou hypocrite, why beholdest thou the mote which is in thy brother's eye, when a beam is in thine own eye; first cast out the beam out of thine own eye, then thou shalt see clearly to get the mote out of thy brother's eye." Had I seen this I should have discovered myself a hypocrite, but as I had often said while in the Church, if I ever apostatized I would go away quietly. I tried to do so but the Saints kept inquiring of me if I was going to leave, and so did Joseph twice; I evaded him both times. The last time he almost got me into a tight corner I could hardly evade. He put the question, direct to me, whether I was going to leave? With an affected look of contempt I answered : "Joseph when you see me leave the Church, you will see a good fellow leave it."41

It is evident that Marsh blamed pride for his fall from the Church. Clearly, Thomas B. Marsh's accomplishments during the initial years of the Church were monumental. He served as an active missionary, counseled directly with the Prophet Joseph Smith and other Church leaders, and directed the course of the settlement in Missouri as well as the organization of the Church there. Marsh was instrumental in bringing the Quorum of the Twelve into its rightful place as the second governing quorum in the Church. Marsh fell away from the Church when he lost his perspective of Church service and began to feel that he could do no wrong. And evidence shows that, even in apostasy, Marsh was reluctant to leave the Church.

CLARIFICATIONS OF BOGG'S "ORDER"

AND JOSEPH SMITH'S CONSTITUTIONALISM

Richard Lloyd Anderson

Regional Studies, Missouri

Histories tend to standardize the Missouri expulsion of Latter-day Saints: escalating tension in 1838 brought armed clashes, which generated a policy of Lilburn W. Boggs to force the minority out of the state—the method was an executive order in his personally harsh language, and about ten thousand Mormons left Missouri under the intimidation of state militia. Some add that troops forced an agreement to leave which Latter-day Saints quietly honored. Some note that field commanders on their own initiative had tried to execute Joseph Smith and others by military trial. [Regional Studies, Missouri, R. Anderson—Clarifications, p.27]

While the above outlines are correct, individual statements are only partly true. Pre-1838 policies controlled 1838 events. There was not a single expulsion order, but three major versions of it. The second commanded the punishment of Mormon leaders as an example, and the third retreated from the position that the military would expel or punish. And Mormon exiles did not leave under these orders. Expulsion directives were issued to the head of an expedition activated for a month, and military instructions had no force after the officers and soldiers were discharged at the end of November. Since the Mormon exodus took place from December to April, civilians without any authority enforced an expulsion policy that did not originate with the governor in the first place.

The real story of Mormon exile reduces Governor Boggs to a tool of the strong first-settlers' party in upper Missouri. This group deserves identification and a name; it existed in active and dormant forms for at least two years in about ten counties that ringed the Mormon area. Governor Boggs catered to this faction, to the point of allowing them unlimited freedom against Latter-day Saint settlements, and finally adopting their goals and slogans in his extermination orders. One can view him as a Jackson County member of this party from its beginnings, or as a politician afraid to [p.28] challenge the upper Missouri protectionists. He elevated their expulsion-extermination program to state policy for a time, thus giving local fraternities the support to intimidate Mormon groups until this minority found political protection elsewhere. This regional private pressure caused the extermination orders, dictated their phraseology, and enforced their terms after these militia commands lapsed. The above corrective conclusions will appear by sequencing events in the bitter Mormon drama.

BOGGS' REACTIONS TO THE 1833 EXPULSION

Studying 1838 may create tunnel vision for the epic of banishing Mormons from Missouri. State expulsion then climaxed five years of conflict, during which sizeable Latter-day Saint groups had moved on demand from three different counties: Jackson (1833), Clay (1836), and Carroll (1838).1 In Jackson the Saints were taken by surprise and naively sought to claim their rights of ownership and citizenship. The Jackson resistance of 1833 most resembles the Mormon stance in 1838; there is remarkable similarity between this first county expulsion and the later state expulsion. If Mormons suddenly became "street-wise" in this first case, so did Lilburn Boggs, as resident and participant in Jackson County negotiations, and as lieutenant governor, part of a state administration that publicly deplored banishment but privately surrendered to first-settlers' threats after an abortive attempt to keep the courts open.

In 1833 Boggs passively saw community leaders and officials sign demands for Mormon withdrawal, and next force a gunbarrel contract to abandon the county before spring planting. Mormons hired lawyers and petitioned Governor Dunklin for intervention, but they were directed to courts using juries of their sworn enemies. Since Mormons resisted moving, terror gangs harassed their settlements in a crisis of violence. Latter-day Saints finally used force against force, but some casualties on each side inflamed the populace. County militia was then activated at Independence, ostensibly to bring security to both parties. In the meantime, rumors came to rural settlements that several brethren had been arrested and were about to be lynched. The majority of Mormon men marched to Independence, but were met by citizens now legally mustered, and their commander confiscated Mormon guns as the price of peace. This now enabled raiders to move without opposition to drive out [p.29] the minority. In review, anti-Mormon goals were reached in a few simple stages. Executive paralysis permitted terrorism, which forced Mormons to self-defense, which was immediately labelled as an "insurrection," and was put down by the activated militia of the county. Once Latter-day Saints were disarmed, mounted squads visited Mormon settlements with threats and enough beatings and destruction of homes to force flight.2

Five years later, Mormon leaders made a last appeal to Missouri's legislature before leaving the state. This document was sent by unimprisoned authorities and evidently drafted by Bishop Partridge, who signed first. Because of his clarity and personal knowledge of the whole Missouri experience, his viewpoint is most valuable. Partridge's explanation of Jackson County agrees with the above narrative:

These abuses with many others of a very aggravated nature so stirred up the indignant feeling of our people that a party of them, say about 30, met a company of the mob of about double their number, when a battle took place in which some two or three of the mob and one of our people were killed. This raised as it were the whole county in arms, and nothing would satisfy them but an immediate surrender of the arms of our people, and they forthwith to leave the county…. The next day parties of the mob, from 30 to 70, headed by priests, went from house to house threatening women and children with death if they were not off before they returned. This so alarmed them that they fled in different directions…. In the meantime the weather being very cold, their sufferings in other respects were very great.3

One cannot tell whether the Lieutenant Governor quietly aided the expulsion faction in 1833, or as a political realist advised the Saints to capitulate and leave. But he took a coldly pragmatic view of banishing "these deluded people." This phrase comes from his public answer to rumors that he was forced "by the populace" to call up the militia, or was "driven from this county" because of his public neutrality, since he "could not approbate the proceedings of that portion of the citizens…engaged against this sect of people." While claiming "unpleasant" pressure from the anti-Mormon party, Boggs verified the militia role in removing Mormon weapons and thus allowing terrorists to remove the Mormons. Boggs defended the official disarmament in unfeeling phrases, revealing his perception that military action blocked Mormon defense capability and exposed them to lawless deportation:

The militia were ordered into service by Lieutenant Colonel Pitcher…for the purpose of suppressing the insurrection. I approved of the course adopted [p.30] by Colonel Pitcher as the only means of saving bloodshed, and of restoring order…. On reaching the western edge of the town, the colonel despatched one of the Mormons as a messenger to that portion of his brethren then in arms, with the information that the militia were raised to quell this insurrection, and that they must come forward, surrender their arms, and return to their homes. This, after considerable consultation back and forth, the Mormons at length complied with…. On the next day and on the day afterwards, the Mormons took flight at the threats of the populace, and fled in every direction…. It is true that the dwellings of the Mormons were, to the number perhaps which Mr. Hyde mentions, torn down by the populace under cover of the night. The persons engaged in this matter are not known.4 Regional Studies, Missouri, R. Anderson—Clarifications, p.30

In 1838 the identical process was repeated for upper Missouri, and for a Mormon population ten times the thousand expelled from Jackson County. In both cases the militia was called out "as the only means of saving bloodshed," but by forcing surrender of weapons of the Saints and leaving them unguarded, both 1833 and 1838 troops were a major tool in forcing out the unpopular. In 1833, Lieutenant Governor Boggs looked on, failed to speak for rights of the oppressed, waited until they fired back on their persecutors, and then helped to negotiate surrender of Mormon guns. Likewise in 1838, Governor Boggs looked on, ignored pleas of Mormons being driven from their homes, waited until vigorous self-defense was misrepresented, and commanded the militia to subdue Mormons "as enemies," which at a minimum meant surrender of Mormon guns. In 1833 Jackson County, the governor observed the machinery of the unprotected minority trap. Private violence first forced armed defense, which then gave the removal party the apparent moral advantage to complain of aggression and demand militia action to render the minority defenseless. Boggs had explained in writing the final escalating stages of Mormon eviction in 1833; as governor he certainly remembered the process as he assisted its steps in 1838.

THE NORTHWEST EXPULSION PARTY

Boggs' extermination orders copied private warnings in 1838, but earlier equivalents were used by citizens' groups of Jackson and Clay Counties. The Independence committee drafted clean alternatives—Mormons could leave on schedule or consult their prophets "to inform them of the lot that awaits them."5 Three days later the armed group demanded immediate agreement to leave, with extermination as the penalty: "The mob declared that they or the [p.31] Mormons must leave the county, or they or the Mormons must die."6 In 1833 refugees crossed the Missouri to Clay County, but initial compassion there gradually changed at the prospect of surrendering political control to the steady influx of immigrants. Unrest led to community councils to head off violence. Their resolutions for the Mormons admitted that "the constitution and laws of the country" gave no right "to expel them by force." Yet the Clay committee repeatedly predicted "civil war" if the Saints did not leave.7

Logical relocation was in lightly-settled prairies above the river counties, though many in Clay thought the Latter-day Saints should leave Missouri. Since church leaders there favored a site directly north of Ray County, they were forced to deal with Ray representatives to avoid violence. These gave permission, Mormon negotiator John Murdock wrote in his journal, but would "not let us live with them."8 Local presidency member John Whitmer reported "great uneasiness" in both Clay and Ray in allowing Latter-day Saints to resettle in nearby territory.9 Clay leaders hoped that neighboring counties would cooperate in finding a Mormon location "where they will be, in a measure, the only occupants, and where none will be anxious to molest them."10

A new county was envisioned in these words, and Alexander Doniphan, legislator and occasional Mormon lawyer, proposed and obtained it by the end of 1836. His recollections 45 years afterward are valuable for outlines, though from memory or reporting, they are fuzzy on some details. The motive behind Doniphan's bill was "organizing Caldwell County for the Mormons exclusively." Whether through his aggressive lobbying or tacit consent of local church leaders, non-Mormons understood granting a county was an "agreement" not to settle elsewhere.11

Regional Studies, Missouri, R. Anderson—Clarifications, p.31-32

Mormon sources show an understanding not to relocate main groups in Clay or Ray, but there was no visible promise to be contained in Caldwell. Indeed, much was left undefined, according to Doniphan's frank 1836 letter to W. W. Phelps, of the Mormon regional presidency. The lawyer apologized that "the present limits of your county are contracted" but summarized the northern and southern compromises. The latter was a six-mile strip demanded by Ray County but left open, perhaps to be annexed by Caldwell "when prejudices have subsided and reason and common sense have again assumed the helm." The upper compromise was a black [p.32] cloud, however, for Doniphan "was forced" to create non-Mormon Daviess County above Caldwell because of "the petitions of the people of north Grand River." Mormons later felt free to purchase and settle in this low density county, but this challenged the continuing coalition described by Doniphan's letter.

Before Governor Boggs signed the above legislative package, Doniphan sought a Mormon county twice the size. But the lobbying of about 200 old settlers cut back Mormon territory on the north, obviously because of the powerful allies that Doniphan mentions:

I presented the petition in due time and had it referred to a committee of which I was chairman and of which Noland of Jackson was a member, and the other was Head of Randolph. The petitions of the people of north Grand River, the statements of the citizens of Ray, the influence of her members and the prejudices of Noland, Boggs, Jeffery, McLelland, etc., were to be combatted…. I was forced to report a bill making two counties north of Ray instead of one…. After the bill was reported, the member from Ray…wished to extend the Ray line six miles north. This I resisted but foresaw that the governor and party would do what they pleased, so I made a compromise.12

Doniphan was blocked by a restrictionist alliance that was obviously broader than the few counties named. He alludes to the "prejudices and ignorance that are to be found and combatted everywhere in this country on this subject, as well with the legislature as the common herd."13 And a central group spearheaded the opposition to free Latter-day Saint settlement. Besides the northern settlers and Ray representatives to the south, nearby Randolph County is mentioned, along with three Jackson legislators: Abraham McClelland in the senate, and representatives Smallwood V. Noland and Thomas Jeffries. Two years before, these three had signed a buy-out offer of Jackson leaders that stipulated: "The Mormons are not to make any effort, ever after, to settle, either collectively or individually, within the limits of Jackson County."14 In sum, representatives of four major areas and their allies with a common program qualify as a party, particularly when backed up by thousands of constituents handy with ballot and rifle. Doniphan could not overcome the Jackson "prejudices," including those of Boggs; he could only report that "the governor and party would do what they pleased." Two years later Boggs ignored every Mormon plea in the face of area evictions. Since he headed restrictionists in narrowing Mormon territory in 1836, he was no doubt a power center for the expulsionists in 1838.

The petitioners of "north Grand River" had blocked upward extensions of the Mormon county, but they could not check Mormon migration into these loosely settled prairies. Major conflict here was inevitable, no matter how diplomatic Mormons might be, given two unchangeable realities prior to 1838. First was the raw determination of Daviess settlers not to allow a Mormon majority, a position reinforced by their successful 1836 legislative bonding with Boggs and the powerful Jackson men around him, as just discussed. Superimposed on this unwritten decree was Latter-day Saint determination to use unrestricted rights of settlement as they abandoned Ohio for Missouri. The Prophet arrived in March, and by July the "poor camp" from Ohio was underway, numbering over 500. Smaller streams of migrants and converts were arriving in convoys of wagons in summer and fall of 1838. Since the Mormon county of Caldwell had essentially filled the prior year, this heavy migration was channeled north to Daviess.

The recent study of the 1838 conflict sees Caldwell's settlement year of 1837 as a time of good feeling, only to be spoiled in 1838 by a dangerous Mormon defensiveness. But this reverses causation, for Mormon defensiveness existed because leaders could realistically foresee violent opposition to planned expansion into the vacant upper lands. Sidney Rigdon intemperately spoke on the 1838 Independence Day, supposedly tearing open the dam that held tranquil waters. This theory asserts "that the Mormon leaders' fear of violence was exaggerated, even unfounded at that time."15 Readers are assured by vague historical estimates: "Most Missourians were not aware of any unusual strain in their relations with the Mormons" in midsummer of 1838, since there was "a friendly and cooperative spirit…between the Mormons and non-Mormon settlers of northwestern Missouri."16

Reality was otherwise, simply because the region decreed that Mormons must not settle out of their county in major groups. The above view misunderstands why 1837 was largely calm on the surface; it seems to say that northwest feelings must have softened. But peace existed in 1837 because Mormons still fit into the settlers' framework by occupying mainly Caldwell. Small clusters were no threat in outer counties, but when major Mormon settlements moved north, the containment-expulsion doctrine reemerged. Founding extra-Caldwell Mormon centers suddenly revived the 1836 restriction thinking. Up to mid-1838 much optimism was [p.34] expressed by Mormons about coexistence, but accurate history parallels diagnostic medicine—a deadly malignancy may be growing quite unobserved.

Mormon migration re-created the 1836 Clay County problem, and the Mormon "belligerent stance" was a byproduct of stated and unstated settlers' warnings.17 With political innocence and remarkable honesty, Joseph Smith said publicly in mid-1838: "To be mobbed any more without taking vengeance, we will not."18 He obviously sought to reverse the Clay County image of a Mormon as one who would quietly leave to avoid trouble. The climate of this statement appears in official church records. The Prophet arrives from Ohio in March; in April he receives revelation that Far West is the center, but that other stakes would emerge for "the gathering of my saints…in the regions round about" (D&C 115:17-18); he is conscious of immigrating companies from a letter noting about 200 Canadian wagons on the road, and late May and early June are taken up in personally surveying Daviess County sites for northern expansion.19 By weeks of surveying land in their area, Joseph certainly sized up attitudes of residents who successfully petitioned that this territory would not be in the Mormon County in 1836.

In 1837, W. W. Phelps had written of the Daviess reaction to the first two dozen Mormon families who presumed to step over the line: "Public notice has been given by the mob in Daviess County, north of us, for the Mormons to leave that county by the first of August, and go into Caldwell."20 A few years later, Church leaders reviewed these 1837 symptoms that upper Missouri would reject Latter-day Saint transplants:

Sometime in the month of July…some 20 or 30, headed by Mr. Adam Black, a justice of the peace, and Mr. Penniston, a colonel in the militia, went from house to house and warned every man belonging to our society, to leave the county on or before a certain day…or suffer the consequences, as they had resolved upon that day to clear the county of every Mormon in it.21

This unreinforced expulsion plan failed, for Mormons firmly answered that they would not leave Daviess "upon any consideration whatever," and promised that on the named day Mormon men "would be at home well prepared for all such visitors."22 But if Daviess settlers first backed down, the underlying goal was unchanged. Their program appears in surviving papers of a strange [p.35] investigation. Justice Adam Black gives a polite version: "We concluded to go and see these people and request them to leave this county peaceably," an action that adds insight on why the 1838 Mormon posse took so many men to visit him the next year, and were so blunt about their rights.23 These Black papers also quote the scrawled 1837 public warning:

Regional Studies, Missouri, R. Anderson—Clarifications, p.35

Notice is hereby given by request of a portion of the citizens on the north side of Grand River. Any Mormon that comes on this side of Grand River will be…drove back. No Mormon [is to] settle on this side of Grand River; if the[y] do, the[y] may abide by the consequence.24

Thus the Daviess majority petitioned for containment in 1836, threatened that it would be enforced in 1837, and went to war for it in 1838. Through these years upper Missourians did business with Mormons, and some sought their political support. But the safety committees also remained in place. The recent 1838 study of LeSueur misreads a part for the whole in picturing 1837 as a year of good will; this analysis uses the flawed method of relying on vocal Mormon dissenters who rationalized that Missouri was peaceful until Joseph Smith moved from Ohio in 1838 with an agenda of aggression against insiders and outsiders. This was arguable because conflicts escalated with Joseph Smith's 1838 arrival. But the real reason for tension was the movement of all faithful Latter-day Saints to Missouri in the same year that he arrived, plus his vigorous defense of their rights to purchase available lands around the Mormon county. Thus the preconceptions of prior settlers escalated into violent action that year. Because Mormon migration coincided with the Prophet's arrival, the historian may falsely identify him as the problem instead of the victim, with his people, of restrictionists with a rigid Mormon quota.

It was early 1837 when Doniphan reminded Phelps about "the prejudices and ignorance that are to be found and combatted everywhere in this country on this subject."25 Random sources show the hardening of anti-expansion views in 1838 before the Mormon declaration of independence in July. High councilor Calvin Beebe left Far West for neighboring Clinton County in March, about the time Joseph Smith came from Kirtland. But Beebe soon moved nearer to Mormon settlements "because there seemed to be considerable warmth against our people settling in that county."26 About April, Anson Call arrived from Ohio by the rivers. On the steamboat, [p.36] General Wilson of Jackson County warned him against gathering to the Mormon center, and reinforced his point at Jefferson City by introducing him "to about a dozen of the Jackson County boys, Governor Boggs included." They responded with ridicule at "a Mormon going to Caldwell County." Earlier on the boat, Wilson was both crude and accurate when first told that Call's group was headed to Far West:

You will be driven from there before six months…. I am Colonel Wilson of Jackson County. I was one of the principal actors in driving the Mormons from that county and expect to be soon engaged in driving them from Caldwell County…. He advised us to stop in some other place, for if we went to Far West we were sure to be butchered.27

As noted, many histories explain 1838 expulsion by escalating ill will started by Sidney Rigdon's 1838 oration on Independence Day. He is often pictured as firing barrages of rhetoric. Not so, for the oration is far more than "the usual references" to patriotic symbols.28 Instead, Rigdon carefully described the civilizing benefits of Mormon colonization and ended by reiterating their American right to settle anywhere and defend against private violence. Major migrating groups were soon arriving, and by printing Rigdon's speech the First Presidency notified upper Missouri that Saints would protect their settlements. Mormons knew by the two prior county evacuations that an approaching Mormon majority would bring violence—that their critical mass in Daviess would soon provoke demands to leave. By blunt words on the problem, Rigdon contributed to it, but realities run deeper than words. Indeed, dissenter John Corrill rightly blames Daviess Mormon Lyman Wight for increasing tension there by his strong rhetoric. Yet Corrill was a political realist and saw speeches as symptoms. He quotes first residents on the underlying issue: "The Mormons would soon overrun Daviess, and rule the county."29

So on 4 July 1838, President Rigdon first tried to dispel prejudice by fully explaining contributions of Latter-day Saint patriotism, economic improvement through hard work, faith in a Biblical and revealed religion, deep commitment to education and the meaning of the temple whose cornerstones were laid that day.30 Only after pages of positives did closing paragraphs warn that Saints would fight rather than be restricted in settlement: "And that mob that comes on us to disturb us: it shall be between us and them a war of extermination." Yet he immediately clarified this as a [p.37] declaration of defense: "We will never be the aggressors, we will infringe on the rights of no people: but shall stand for our own until death."31

Mormon industry was already proverbial for transforming the Caldwell prairie into productive farms and a center city. And leaders planned the extensive settlements and diverse production developed in western Illinois and in their western mountainland later. Besides grouping in Daviess County to the north, Mormons had accepted offers to purchase land in De Witt, by the Missouri River to the southeast. Rigdon's closing message on Independence Day was that Latter-day Saints would not pour capital and labor into improvements and then be driven from them.

The immediate concern in July was Daviess County, where Mormons were a strong minority, perhaps a third of the population. In August, conflict erupted there in an attempt to keep Mormon men from voting. Events moved fast afterward. Mormon leaders next rode in force to Daviess County to demand future protection from Justice Black. Surrounding counties then sent investigating committees or armed reinforcements to support older settlers, who prematurely claimed that Mormons would not cooperate with courts. The readiness of the regional citizens' party is shown by Jackson County resolutions after a Daviess settler requested immediate people-to-people help. At Independence a mass meeting was called, which defined the problem as "difficulties between the citizens of Daviess and other counties, and the Mormons." Proceedings first defined the enemy: "The citizens of Jackson County know the Mormons to be a set of fanatics and impostors and that they are a pest to the community at large." At that time a second meeting was scheduled to sign up volunteers for Daviess County, and a resolution passed "that the Governor be furnished with a copy of the proceedings of this meeting."32 So hostility at Independence had not changed much from 1833 to 1838, an obvious parallel to other counties uneasy at Mormon migration. And the intercounty settlers' groups expected mutual assistance plus the cooperation of the governor. These regional reflexes indicate the protectionist party knew its moves long before Rigdon's speech.

Upper Missouri furor now existed because Daviess expulsionists inflamed supporters already suspicious of Mormon growth in the upper Missouri. Subtracting emotion, the real issues were that Mormon men had traded blows for their right to enter the polling [p.38] place at Gallatin, that Mormon leaders soon showed in force at that county seat to demand civil rights, and that Mormon leaders avoided legal process arising from this intimidation until they could get hearings without danger of being lynched. Documents at this point show total consistency with Rigdon's public warning as church recorder George W. Robinson wrote: "We will not act on the offensive but always on the defensive; our rights and our liberties shall not be taken from us, and we peaceably submit to it, as we have done heretofore."33 Regional Studies, Missouri, R. Anderson—Clarifications, p.38

Caldwell Mormons next intercepted a wagon of guns and ammunition and detained the teamsters. This shipment was intended to reinforce the old settlers of Daviess and Livingston, who had both drawn the line on further Mormon encroachment. Twisting Latter-day Saint intent and words, they petitioned the governor for immediate protection against "those imposterous rebels" who were preparing what "they are pleased to call a war of extermination."34 Although Rigdon used that phrase, in five years of anti-Mormon aggression, language of "extermination" originated before his speech. For instance, in 1836 the First Presidency wrote the Clay County committee that they were continually victimized by "the ruthless hand of extermination."35 After Mormons intercepted the gun shipment in 1838, Boggs sent regional troops and planned personally to lead others to Daviess.36 But the activated head of that military district, David Atchison, ordered a state company to the area, personally negotiated Mormon legal cooperation and reported to the governor on 17 September. Boggs had ordered units to head to Daviess with him about 22 September but Atchison's letter portrayed Latter-day Saints as besieged and seeking peace, which was evidently the reason for Boggs' switch not to visit the area of conflict.37 His first stance was to come to stop supposed Mormon aggression; next he ignored many requests to stop aggression against the Mormons; finally he issued his extermination order by remote control.

Atchison ordered home the irregular forces in Daviess that included volunteers "from the counties of Livingston, Carroll, and Saline."38 These shadow organizations also appear in the small percentage of Mormon affidavits that give detail on individual expulsions. For instance, right after the Daviess election, a Mormon settler living in adjacent Livingston was informed by a committee: "They had resolved that there should not one of our people live in [p.39] that county, and that they would give me four days to leave the county."39 Feelings were the same in Daviess through September, though Atchison's militia and the equalizing Mormon population prevented deportation. But Daviess exile was a constant danger, according to the uneasy letters of Atchison and his commanders. Parks wrote that behind skittish negotiations were steady settlers' threats: "Their intention is to drive the Mormons with powder and lead from this county."40 This intent was slightly postponed by a temporary shift of pressure points on Latter-day Saint settlements.

General Atchison and loyal subordinates defused the Daviess crisis during September, though they could do nothing to remove raw materials for the later explosion they feared. Atchison had disbanded the private nucleus of about 250 from three surrounding counties, assembled "under the pretext of defending the citizens of Daviess County against the Mormons."41 But these intercounty minute men had been in place before the creation of Mormon Caldwell. During the earlier Clay County crisis, Anderson Wilson vividly pictured the old-settlers' party in letters to relatives. He actually moved to Clay a year after the Jackson exiles, but panicked with other citizens at heavy migration in 1836. Fearing Mormon political control and admitting "we are trampling on our law and constitution," Wilson reported town meetings of respectable citizens plus regional support: "I will also show what each county will furnish if needed to drive the Mormons." He then gave figures of about 500 men from each of the surrounding counties who would back up the expulsion organization in Clay county.42 Documents after the 1838 election fracas show the continued existence of these safety committees, and the agitation of Daviess old-settlers to activate them. This resulted in another military organization parallel to the state militia, with many citizens members of both. Atchison vainly dunned Boggs as commander-in-chief to back up lawful forces by condemning the paralegals. In the end Boggs legitimized their program.

CARROLL COUNTY'S EXTERMINATION ORDER

The most exposed Mormon "outpost" was on the Missouri River, De Witt in Carroll County, where non-Mormon speculators had courted Mormon purchase in early 1838. Now post-election fears activated area regulators to move against a few hundred [p.40] Carroll County Mormons. This expulsion history need only be summarized, since there was no provocation and basic events are clear. As expressed by the Partridge-leaders petition a couple of months later: "It is well known that the people of our Church who had located themselves at De Witt, had to give up to a mob and leave the place, notwithstanding the militia were called out for their protection."43

Regional Studies, Missouri, R. Anderson—Clarifications, p.40

When a removal demand came, Latter-day Saints there petitioned the governor, quoting him the regulators' harsh words that Boggs would soon make his own. The Mormon petitioners of Carroll reported their ultimatum on 22 September, two days after receiving it:

Certain inhabitants of this and other counties…threatened, with force and violence, to drive certain peaceable citizens…out of the county, but on deliberation, concluded to give them…till the first of October next to leave said county; and threatened, if not gone by that time, to exterminate them without regard to age or sex.44

This county ultimatum order was soon verified by an investigating Chariton County committee, which found "a large portion of the citizens of Carroll and the adjoining counties" assembled and about to make good their threats against the Mormon defenders: "To use the gentleman's language, they are waging a war of extermination, or to remove them from the said county." The Chariton group then visited the Mormons and "found them in the act of defense, begging for peace, and wishing for the civil authorities to repair there as soon as possible, to settle the difficulties between the parties."45

But in three weeks old settlers' forces expelled their victims. Yet Latter-day Saints did not leave De Witt without finding out where the governor stood on their case. They sent an express messenger, who brought back the same indifference that already frustrated complaining field commanders. If exact words are debatable, the message was clear. John Taylor, passionate convert to civil liberty and the gospel, was one of the outnumbered defenders in early October and summarized the answer: "On the third we agreed with Mr. Caldwell to go to the governor…. After we had defended the place ten days, we obtained the heartless intelligence that his excellency could do nothing for us."46 Boggs' 1840 message to the legislature was sensitive on this point of turning down the last critical appeals of generals and Mormons before open warfare:

Regional Studies, Missouri, R. Anderson—Clarifications, p.41

I received information of the partial interruption of the peace in De Witt, Carroll County, whilst absent from the seat of government, but took no order on the subject, knowing that the officer in command of the militia of that division was fully authorized under the law, and had ample force to preserve the peace.47

This explanation misses reality. De Witt Mormons petitioned the governor on 22 September 1838 and told him they would be attacked if not gone by 1 October. Their final messenger went to the governor 3 October and reported his indifference by 10 October, since Mormons left on 11 October.48 On 4 October, Boggs' Jackson County associate, General Samuel Lucas, sent a grim assessment of the multi-county potential. Fearing inevitable attack and inevitable defense, he warned Boggs one non-Mormon death would bring "from four to five thousand volunteers in the field against the Mormons, and nothing but their blood will satisfy them."49 As a friend of expulsionists from 1833, the governor knew all this. Though several hundred militia had been activated by Atchison's authority, they lacked heart for the job of policing militant fellow-citizens. Even before receiving Lucas' realistic warning, Boggs knew that Atchison's lawful militia was inferior in manpower and morale to the cross-county regulators. Boggs' integrity is questionable in his above legislative claim that Atchison "had ample force to preserve the peace."

Appeasement at De Witt brought dangerous escalation, not abatement of the Mormon problem. If the governor did not know that, he was the only observer ignorant of the consequences. General Atchison, Mormons, rank and file in the settlers' party, and bystanders all said that illegal forces freed by the Carroll capitulation would now move against Daviess County Mormons. Atchison's most aggressive minor officer wrote Boggs 13 October about the next scene of expulsion: "The Daviess and Livingston County people, and many others, are on their way to Daviess County with one field piece, with the determination to prevent their settling in that county at all hazards."50 This was two weeks before the governor's first extermination order. The same view of events was sent by the governor's chief militia commander ten days before the first extermination order: "A portion of the men from Carroll County…. are on their march for Daviess County, where it is thought the same lawless game is to be played over, and the [p.42] Mormons to be driven from that county and probably from Caldwell County."51 [Regional Studies, Missouri, R. Anderson—Clarifications, p.42]

Mormons were on notice that private forces were about to reinstate Daviess demands of removal, still in place after the two-week Carroll diversion. As expressed by the 1838 Mormon petition, the issue now was survival:

From De Witt the mob went towards Daviess County and whilst on their way there, they took two of our men prisoners and made them ride upon the cannon, and told them that they would drive the Mormons from Daviess to Caldwell, and from Caldwell to hell; and that they would give them no quarters, only at the cannon's mouth.52

BOGGS' REASONS FOR STATE EXTERMINATION ORDERS

The governor's first extermination command came 27 October just two weeks after the Carroll County exiles straggled northwest into the Mormon center of Far West. Since the Latter-day Saints had cooperated with all civil and military authorities to mid-October, the so-called "Mormon War" is properly applicable to a two-week attempt then to create a defense perimeter. Mormons controlled Caldwell County, but Daviess to the north was again the field of conflict, with multi-county volunteers aggressive after their De Witt victory. Yet the earlier stand off had been tilted by immigration, principally the 4 October arrival of perhaps 400 from the Kirtland Camp, and Latter-day Saints were now a slight majority in Daviess County.

The latest study of the 1838 conflict downplays the victimization of Mormon settlers, exaggerates their Daviess aggression in this period, and too broadly denies a conspiracy to drive them from the state. But regional conspiracy for that purpose was a fact in October, when businessman-arbitrator William Dunnica wrote in relief from De Witt that the Saints had saved bloodshed by capitulating, ominously assessing the strength and intent of the restriction party:

The citizens of Carroll pledged themselves to assist any county who assisted them, when called on for a similar purpose. There was a company of militia stationed near the place…who, after peace was made, declared that they would not let the Mormons pass to Far West—they said there was no room for them in Caldwell County…. I am inclined to believe that the adjoining counties to Caldwell, will never be contented until they leave the state.53

Neutral militia had withdrawn from Daviess a few weeks earlier. From this point, firsthand information reveals an active expulsion operation in Daviess and beyond. John D. Lee's Missouri memoirs are quite accurate where they can be checked, and on 3 October he risked all to pose as a new settler when isolated Mormon men were being tied to trees and whipped. Confronted in wild country by eighteen "state volunteers," he drew out their plans by a combination of feigned ignorance and bravado:

They then said the Mormons must leave the country, and if we do not make them do so now, they will be so strong that we cannot compel them to go…. That another band of men would come along soon, and they would then go through the Mormon settlements and burn up every house and lynch every d——d Mormon they could find. That the militia had been sent to keep order in Daviess County but would soon be gone, and the work of destroying the Mormons in general would begin.54

Such an infrastructure drove Latter-day Saints out of Jackson and Clay and by mid-October had done the same to the cluster in Carroll and to many scattered Saints in peripheral counties. This upper Missouri movement sprang up with citizen meetings wherever a Mormon group gathered. Full reserves could be drawn from any nearby county. Successful always because of bullying tactics and public apathy, it now moved against one of the two center counties heavily populated by Latter-day Saints. Ten days after John D. Lee confronted the "state volunteers," prisoner Amasa Lyman rode the cannon from Carroll to Daviess and was told "they were going to be assisted by men from Livingston, Ray, Jackson, Carroll, and other counties, also from Platt County."55 Regional war had been declared, and not by the Mormons.

What went through Joseph Smith's mind in early October as he and the Carroll exiles rode hostile roads back to Far West? The combined irregulars at De Witt had shown no mercy, in line with their advanced warning "to exterminate…without regard to age or sex." A part of this force was on its way to Daviess, where resentment burned deep at the new Mormon predominance. The Prophet knew that immediate ultimatums awaited all non-Caldwell Latter-day Saints. Doniphan's law partner characterized Daviess founders as "rather rude and ungovernable, being mostly backwoodsmen."56 Their meetings had already resolved "to drive the Mormons with powder and lead from this county."57 Mormon farmers in Daviess had mostly been run off their lands without a [p.44] chance to harvest or claim their stock. On 10 October for instance, the day before the De Witt surrender, Daviess Mormon William Seely was visited by an "armed mob," and forced to leave his property "to the plunderers," fleeing to Caldwell County with his family to save their lives.58 Winter was coming on, and the two primitive Mormon cities were glutted, limited by marginal facilities and dwindling supplies. Boggs had ignored every appeal for protection, and area militia now refused to face private expulsion forces.

Joseph Smith's choices were now grim: Move 10,000 to another state in deadly winter, with no assurance that civil rights would be respected elsewhere? Wait for planned attacks, exposing families to starvation and sieges? Or aggressively prevent the regulators from taking over Daviess County and the resources of its largely abandoned countryside?

On arriving at Far West with the Carroll exiles, Joseph Smith preached a blunt sermon on Boggs' gross negligence, and the immediate need of self-defense against mob forces gathering in Daviess. He then accompanied a relief battalion of several hundred from Far West to Adam-ondi-Ahman, the Daviess Mormon center. What followed is a complex mosaic from scores of historical bits and pieces. Ex-Mormon John Corrill sustains a skeletal narrative through these two weeks and reports Joseph Smith's goal to "expel the mob from Daviess and then from Caldwell County." Corrill told Joseph that reinforcements would arrive and retaliate, but the Prophet had faith in public constitutionalism:

Smith replied…they would not have the whole state on them, but only that party which was governed by a mob spirit, and they were not very numerous: and they, when they found they would have to fight, would not be so fond of gathering together against them.59

Mormon operations lasted about ten days, took no lives, failed to engage several hundred canny irregulars, burned perhaps three dozen buildings of potential use against Saints' settlements, and foraged for supplies for the beginning winter. Counterstrikes then destroyed additional Mormon dwellings and property. Mormon patrols perhaps exceeded instructions in forcing some Daviess citizens to leave if they did not declare neutrality or cooperation. But fear of Mormons and anticipation of anti-Mormon hostilities certainly emptied more homes than did confrontation. The legislative [p.45] petition of the Presiding Bishop and senior apostles admitted using defensive force in mid-October:

That instances have been of late, where individuals have trespassed upon the rights of others, and thereby broken the law of the land, we will not pretend to deny. But yet we do believe that no crimes can be substantiated against any of the people who have a standing in our Church of an earlier date than the difficulties in Daviess County. And when it is considered that the rights of this people have been trampled upon from [time] to time with impunity, and abuses heaped upon them almost innumerable; it ought in some degree to paliate for any infraction of law which may have been made on the part of any of our people.60

The above document looked back at events before the extermination order, and protested that the governor decreed corporate guilt for Mormons but corporate innocence for upper country citizens who forced the conflict. Yet learning that Latter-day Saints had taken military control in Daviess, Governor Boggs activated a militia expedition of about 2,000 just a day before the extermination order. This first mobilization was his immediate response to Mormon destruction of two settlements that could threaten their only city in Daviess. That county now contained perhaps 1,500 Mormon residents to about 1,200 older settlers, but Boggs ignored earlier acts of blocking Mormon voting and forcing Mormons off their farms. Boggs' 27 October mobilization only alleged that Mormons, by "armed force, have expelled the inhabitants of that county from their homes." Militia was being sent because "citizens of Daviess County" had petitioned the governor "for protection, and to be restored to their homes and property."61 Though this directive was superseded by the first extermination order the next day, it reveals the governor's viewpoint. Dispossessed Mormons were not recognized; they were distinct from "citizens." Latter-day Saints knew that weeks earlier, when their frantic calls for protection of homes and property at De Witt were ignored by the governor for a sustained period during their banishment from Carroll County. Regional Studies, Missouri, R. Anderson—Clarifications, p.45-46

But the extreme version of "citizen versus Mormon" came 27 October. This initial extermination directive responded to what Boggs later called "the last of the Mormon outrages," the hot skirmish at Crooked River.62 Mormon operations in Daviess had set off unfounded rumors of a coming invasion of Ray County, immediately south of Caldwell. A public meeting there delegated two messengers to visit the governor at once and urge military intervention, [p.46] with an additional resolution that authorities send a force north to prevent "intrusion by the Mormons, to act entirely on the defensive for the present."63 But the initiative to patrol the county line had been seized by Samuel Bogart, an expulsionist who exceeded his orders by allowing his company of 50 men to threaten Mormon settlers, after which he detained three Mormons.64 Fearing for the lives of these three, Mormon commanders mustered about 70, routed Bogart's company and freed the prisoners. Three Mormons were killed, and one of the Ray County militia, besides a number wounded on both sides. The Latter-day Saint group solemnly returned north to bury their dead, though popular panic had them marching south to burn Richmond.65

While Ray County couriers rushed to Jefferson City with a petition to put down the Mormon "insurrection" in Daviess, they were intercepted with a frantic update on Bogart's battle and the upcoming fictitious attack on the county seat. This report was sent by a Lafayette County resident, E. M. Ryland—not attorney-judge John F. Ryland—and was addressed to Boggs' messengers as a citizens' demand for protection.66 This request used the simplistic language of the Carroll citizens' ultimatum, but the coalition platform was broadened now to state expulsion. Ryland assumes that Boggs will call out troops, and outlines what order Boggs should give to them:

They must make haste and put a stop to the devastation which is menaced by these infuriated fanatics, and they must go prepared and with full determination to exterminate or expel them from the state en masse. Nothing but this can give tranquility to the public mind, and reestablish the supremacy of the laws.67

The delegates raced 90 miles in 48 hours, delivering both the demands of the Ray County convention and of Ryland, speaking for the upper Missouri activists: "There must be no further delaying with this question anywhere. The Mormons must leave the state, or we will—one and all."68 The governor recognized the voice of like groups in ten other counties, and quickly penned the original extermination order to General Clark, amending the Daviess mobilization of the day before:

Your orders are, therefore, to hasten your operations with all possible speed. The Mormons must be treated as enemies, and must be exterminated or driven from the state if necessary for the public peace—their outrages are beyond all description.69

Although most histories credit Boggs here, in truth he only ratified the program and slogans of the first-settlers party of upper Missouri. His "exterminated or driven from the state" imitates Ryland's "exterminate or expel them from the state"—both repeat the September report sent to the governor by De Witt Mormons, who were "to leave said county" or regional volunteers would "exterminate them."70 Adopting the expulsion-party passwords communicated total support. Yet Boggs was the state's executive, also sworn to support the due process of the Missouri constitution. He no doubt rationalized such orders in terms of his approach to the Mormon problem in his legislative report: "I should truly reflect the wishes and opinions of the people."71 He served special interests in upper Missouri when they demanded extermination orders. This executive was more conduit than commander.

All expulsion directives were issued to John B. Clark as commanding general of the Mormon expedition. By giving him chief authority, the governor indirectly released David R. Atchison, who for nearly two months had consistently sought solutions when citizen forces confronted Latter-day Saints. This policy had drawn arrows for Atchison from the senior settlers' coalition. And Boggs admitted that he sought to please them in passing over Atchison, commander of the military district of main hostilities: "There was much dissatisfaction manifested towards him by the people opposed to the Mormons."72 Atchison had strong ideas on minority rights, even when Mormons used aggressive self-protection in Daviess: "I am convinced that nothing short of driving the Mormons from Daviess County will satisfy the parties opposed to them, and this I have not power to do, as I conceive, legally."73 This was not Boggs' man to carry out the upper-county mandate for deportation.

Atchison made the above comment when still in command, three days before the clash on Crooked River. As false rumors spread about Mormon attacks, the general faced all possibilities and joined Lucas, commander of the adjoining military district, in alerting Boggs to the beginning of civil war, demanding his presence, and reporting their activated force of 2,000 militia would keep the Mormons "in check."74 When the Mormon company defeated Bogart's patrol of Atchison's division at Crooked River, the general had to guard against further strikes that were never planned in the first place. Boggs issued his first extermination order in response [p.48] to this mythical Mormon offensive. He had already directed reinstatement of non-Mormon Daviess refugees the day before the Richmond messengers arrived with overdone data on the Crooked River conflict. Then Boggs prefaced the extermination order with the justification that "appalling" information had come "which entirely changes the face of things, and places the Mormons in the attitude of an open and avowed defiance of the laws, and of having made war upon the people of this state."75 This incredible new development was the attack of 70 Mormons on a state patrol of 50, which was intimidating Mormon settlers instead of acting on defensive orders. Ten thousand Mormons were now to be exiled in retaliation. Furthermore, Governor Boggs reiterated this extermination order after he was in possession of more accurate facts, which shows that he was more controlled by politics than events.

THE AMBIGUOUS "RINGLEADERS" ORDER

Jefferson City was three days' travel from the Mormon frontier; from here the governor issued policy and let his generals risk its application. Since he had ignored a dozen official pleas for his presence, Boggs predictably ignored that from Atchison and Lucas right after Crooked River. The new commander Clark intercepted this message and sent it to Boggs with his "decided opinion that it would be best for you to be there." This lawyer-officer had just received the first exterminating order and said the job would be done: "In the meantime I will endeavor to act out your orders in letter and spirit, however great the responsibility."76

The governor replied that duties would keep him from the front, but he nerved up his major general by explaining the original command. This letter issues a second extermination order, infrequently quoted but more important than the first because it was more detailed and issued five days later, giving Boggs time to consider the high voltage he was loosing. But there was no turning back:

It was considered by me that full and ample powers were vested in you to carry into effect my former orders. The case is now a very plain one—the Mormons must be subdued and peace restored to the community. You will therefore proceed without delay to execute the former orders…. I therefore again repeat that you are authorized, and full power is given you to take whatever steps you deem necessary, and such as the circumstances of the case may seem to demand, to subdue the insurgents and give peace and quiet [p.49] to the country. The ringleaders of the rebellion should be made an example of; and, if it should become necessary for the public peace, the Mormons should be exterminated or expelled from the state…. After having restored quiet, you will cause the people of Daviess County, who have been driven from their homes, to be reinstated.77

These were the full instructions to General Clark. They reiterated the governor's decision to exterminate or expel, and added: "The ringleaders of the rebellion should be made an example of." This military command was given in the context of "full power…to take whatever steps you deem necessary." There is no hint that the civil courts would determine guilt. On its face, this order decrees guilt and delegates the punishment, requiring that it be a severe deterrent. This directive was behind at least one major attempt to court-martial Joseph Smith, but the governor would later modify such a blank check.

Quick-moving events left Clark and his gathering force out of the conquest of the Mormon center. The first exterminating order went ahead to troops near Far West, along with the news that Atchison was superseded—in the governor's later words, not "called into service under the late order."78 Doniphan, Atchison's subordinate, still had secondary authority in the new expedition, and Lucas, Atchison's equal in the adjoining military district, quickly marshalled the locally activated 2,000 against Far West and dictated terms of surrender. Joseph Smith and his small force of about 600 capitulated from necessity and principle, for Mormon leaders never sought to resist public authority. Commanding General Clark was still several days' march to the east, frustrated at Lucas' initiative, but in agreement with his military settlement because it followed the model of the fuller extermination order. Yet Lucas had read only the first order, requiring expulsion of the people. So without knowing of Boggs' addendum to make "an example" of the leaders, he required their surrender, "to be tried and punished." Both Boggs and Lucas were following popular demands for removal plus retribution against top Mormons. This Jackson County general added other treaty provisions: Mormon property must be conveyed to repay debts and damages; all arms must be surrendered; after giving up their leaders "the balance should leave the state" but could mark time "until further orders from the commander-in-chief." This treaty was representative [p.50] democracy for the upper country—Lucas reported it "gave satisfaction to the whole army."79

Lucas had demanded custody of the Prophet and his associates for negotiation, but they immediately became powerless prisoners, and the next night seven hostages were told that a military court had sentenced them to the firing squad at 8 am. Extracts exist from the contemporary journal of Lyman Wight:

Sometime about the hour of eleven o'clock [pm] General Doniphan called on me and said to me: "Wight, your case is a damned hard one; you are all sentenced to be shot tomorrow morning at eight o'clock on the public square in Far West, by fourteen to seven, and for this reason I wash my hands against such coolblooded and heartless murder." And also said he should move his troops, numbering three hundred, before sunrise the next morning, and would not suffer them to witness such hardhearted, cruel, and base murder. He then shook hands with me and bade me farewell.80

Others close to the event add details. Mormon commander Hinkle came at night to say he had unsuccessfully defended Hyrum Smith before the court martial of about 14 officers and spectators including ministers, Judge Austin King, and District Attorney Birch. Hyrum remembered Doniphan's gruff farewell to the prisoners at sunrise, as he marched off his brigade in protest: "I will be damned if I will have any of the honor of it, or any of the disgrace of it."81 Doniphan's close law associate, Peter Burnett, was serving with the militia at Far West, heard of the court martial, and immediately assured Doniphan that he would support him, an offer with implications of holding military officers legally accountable for drumhead justice. Burnett considered the Prophet in mortal danger: "Had it not been for the efforts of Doniphan and others from Clay, I think it most probable that the prisoners would have been summarily tried, condemned, and executed."82

General Lucas next left small occupation forces and escorted the "ringleaders" to his home of Independence. This gave the Prophet and associates a recess from attempts to sentence them as scapegoats. But the danger of assassination or military execution was far from over. After wrenching farewells to families, the prisoners were closely guarded for two and a half days to Independence. Though puzzled by the beginning of courteous treatment, the seven leaders had reason to be wary, thinking their captors' original "design was to shoot us."83 Some rumor of an attempted execution reached Boggs, for Lucas defended himself: [p.51] "I never had any idea of trying any of the prisoners by a court martial, but only ordered them to my headquarters to await your further orders."84 Boggs was probably not as concerned about the safety of the leaders as about who had the right to deal with them. Their relaxed treatment at Independence was largely because Jackson generals knew they had borrowed the prisoners without permission. Hyrum Smith remembered General Moses Wilson's comment as they left Independence for Richmond to face military justice once more:

We were informed by General Wilson that it was expected by the soldiers that we would be hung up by the necks on the road, while on the march to that place, and that it was prevented by a demand made for us by General Clark…and that it was his prerogative to execute us himself.85

Regional Studies, Missouri, R. Anderson—Clarifications, p.51

In the meantime Clark and his 2,000 arrived at Far West on Sunday, 4 November, two days after the Prophet and associates had left for Independence. At Far West General Clark implemented Boggs' two extermination-expulsion orders. The general arrested other Mormons accused of violence or property destruction, and announced that all Latter-day Saints must leave the state, on pain of death. He gave the governor a gentler version of what he told the assembled Saints before returning to Richmond to attend the criminal trials: "The morning before I left Far West, I called the whole of the Mormons together," Clark reported. He said he stressed three main issues: (1) all newly arrested "would be taken to Richmond, tried, and punished if found guilty"; (2) the Lucas conditions of "capitulation" must be met; (3) early snows and devastation "induced me to modify the terms, and not require them to remove forthwith"—they could remain "until their convenience suited them in the spring."86

This was Clark's summary, but his Far West speech was taken down with its rough edges. Since state policy blended with private justice in the upper counties, Clark promised official or unofficial slaughter if Mormons stayed beyond spring:

I did not say that you shall go now, but you must not think of staying here another season or of putting in crops; for the moment you do, the citizens will be upon you…. If I have to come again because the treaty which you have made here shall be broken, you need not expect any mercy, but extermination—for I am determined the governor's order shall be executed.87

The general continued with the theme of summary punishment of Joseph Smith and the "ringleaders": "Do not let it enter your mind that they will be delivered, or that you will see their faces again, for their fate is fixed—their die is cast—their doom is sealed."88 Such words suggested an immediate death sentence for the seven hostages of Lucas, especially the First Presidency and Lyman Wight, who had led Mormon forces in Daviess County. As mentioned, Clark had just arrested some 50 other men, to be escorted to Richmond for a criminal hearing. The same court would be used for both groups, though for a time Clark sought to segregate the "ringleaders" for special punishment, as implied by Boggs' second extermination instruction.

The commander took his four dozen prisoners 30 miles south to Richmond, county seat and his headquarters for the military phase-out. Arriving when the "ringleaders" came from Independence, he had given a good deal of thought about how to deal with these special seven. His aim was a severe deterrent indicated by Boggs' instruction to make "an example" of the head Mormons. He first told the governor that he would push punishment "of Jo Smith and those leaders taken by General Lucas," but saw problems: "My whole object is to obey your orders, and settle this matter so as to have the best effect upon the people, and at the same time not compromise the character of the state."89

By this time Boggs had issued a third expulsion order, with extermination language now deleted because he had learned of the Mormon surrender and Clark's compromise that Mormons must remove at the end of winter. This 6 November instruction updated Clark on what to do now that hostilities were over and the leaders imprisoned. Boggs repeated that Daviess County was to be put back together without Mormons, and that the military there should arrest Mormons accused of crimes during October hostilities but hand them "to the civil authority, when you may deem it prudent to do so." Also, the goal of the militia was reviewed:

My instructions to you are to settle this whole matter completely, if possible, before you disband your forces. If the Mormons are disposed voluntarily to leave the state, of course it would be advisable in you to promote that object in any way deemed proper. The ringleaders of this rebellion, though, ought by no means be permitted to escape the punishment they merit.90

Boggs still used tough talk on the fate of the leaders; yet "made an example of" in the second extermination order rings of the firing [p.53] squad, whereas "the punishment they merit" in the context of this third directive could be a criminal conviction.

This third expulsion directive was received on 10 November, and the Prophet and the premier prisoners had arrived the evening before. Clark gets high marks for industry and had worked for a court martial but was wavering when the prisoners demanded to see him. Wight's contemporary journal is terse to the point of simplification. General Clark came into their "old log house" before 8 pm, "who on being interrogated what our crimes were, said he would inform us in the morning, and with a frown passed out of the room."91 Detailed recollections of the leaders agree Clark was vague at first and afterward announced they would have a civil trial. They said that Clark retained the option of a military trial at first. Parley Pratt added Clark's dialogue on his original visit. Clark had avoided stating charges, but said leaders would be tried by court martial. Asked on what legal basis, Clark replied, "according to the treaty stipulations entered into at Far West."92

At Richmond these leading prisoners began to learn how far Clark had pushed for military justice. They arrived Friday at the county seat and were soon visited by young Jedediah Grant, who was new in town and accidentally observed official business in the tavern used as headquarters:

He happened to come in time to see General Clark make choice of his men to shoot us on Monday morning, the 12th day of November; he saw them make choice of their rifles and load them with two balls in each. And after they had prepared their guns, General Clark saluted them by saying, "Gentlemen, you shall have the honor of shooting the Mormon leaders on Monday morning at eight o'clock."93 Regional Studies, Missouri, R. Anderson—Clarifications, p.53

Whether sympathetic or sadistic, the citizen soldiers freely talked. "One of the guards" told Wight that a court martial had been held "two nights previous to their arrival."94 This was apparently said on the morning after Clark declined to give charges. Wight's journal describes this second day at Richmond. Clark entered the jail and abruptly announced criminal charges of treason, murder, arson, and larceny. Next, a keeper chained the seven together with padlocks:

We were then informed that [we] were delivered over to the civil law, and that General Clark, after arriving at this place, had held a court martial and sentenced us to be shot, but fearing this might not be correct, he had sent to [p.54] Fort Leavenworth to the United States officer, whose answer on the subject was that "it would be nothing more, nor nothing less than cold-blooded murder."95 [Regional Studies, Missouri, R. Anderson—Clarifications, p.54]

This was the day that Clark answered Boggs' third expulsion letter. After assuring Boggs he had "ordered the leaders to be bound," the general shared his agonies over how to guarantee severe sentences. He reasoned that a military court was more efficient but legally questionable; yet in a criminal trial Mormon jurors would not convict.96 Clark was a country lawyer known for swaying verdicts with large doses of emotion, and he knew Mormon leaders would be tried in the county where offenses had occurred, the Mormon county of Caldwell.97 Since this procedural snag might block punishment of the top Mormons, Clark wrote that he had "detained General White and his field officers here a day or two, for the purpose of holding a court martial if necessary." But he was nervous about this plan without backup:

I suggest the propriety of trying Jo Smith and those leaders taken by General Lucas, by a court martial for mutiny. This I am in favor of only as a dernier resort. I would have taken this course with Smith at any rate; but it being doubtful whether a court martial has jurisdiction or not in the present case—that is, whether these people are to be treated as in time of war, and the mutineers as having mutinied in time of war—and I would here ask you to forward to me the attorney general's opinion on this point.98

This is a candid moment in the somewhat laundered state papers published to rationalize the expulsion. On 15 November Boggs said he received Clark's question on the legality of a court martial. But when the governor answered an accompanying letter, he was not then shocked by Clark's mention of a military court, making no comment on the subject and closing the 15 November note: "You will hasten your operations, and discharge all the troops as soon as the circumstances of the case will permit."99 However, in another four days Boggs protected himself by suddenly insisting on civil procedure for all Mormon defendants, which he must have known was already underway.100 On 19 November the governor took a stand on Clark's contingent court martial in a letter showing legal consultation:

You will take immediate steps to discharge all the troops you have retained in service as a guard, and deliver the prisoners over to the civil authorities. You will not attempt to try them by court martial; the civil law must govern…. I wish you distinctly to understand that if you have accomplished the object of the expedition, which was to restore peace to the community, and [p.55] to cause the offenders to be brought to justice, that you will discharge all your forces…. The officers retained to serve on court martial will also be discharged…. I should be happy to see you at this place, as you would perhaps be able to explain many things in relation to this perplexing subject, which I cannot at present understand.101

With this 19 November letter, the 1 November command to make examples of the leaders was defined as their delivery to civilian courts. What had Boggs really meant in the second extermination order? Did making "an example of" the leaders merely repeat the approved language of vengeful voters? Was the executive merely careless of consequences? Boggs had military aides on the field and soon learned of Lucas' 1 November court martial at Far West. Yet he sent Clark no caution on the subject. By failing to clarify his own language for nearly three weeks, the governor repeatedly risked the lives of Joseph Smith and his associates. In up-country justice, "example" suggested a clean execution to warn others not to trifle with society. More than once, rougher troops tried to shoot top Mormons. Joseph Smith said that in these dangerous days, the Spirit whispered that God would protect him.102 No order of the governor had done so.

ENFORCEMENT OF LAPSED ORDERS

Were Mormons driven out of Missouri under Boggs' extermination orders? An affirmative answer requires specific explanation. In review, there were two extermination directives, one on 27 October ("must be exterminated or driven from the state") and the other on 1 November ("should be exterminated or expelled from the state"). Both were issued to the expedition commander, General Clark, who forwarded the initial order to field officers Lucas and Doniphan. Lucas' "treaty" then committed Latter-day Saints to "leave the state," at a time to be defined by "further orders from the commander-in-chief." As Clark arrived in a few days, he ratified Lucas' arrangements and postponed the required exodus "until their convenience suited them in the spring." Regional Studies, Missouri, R. Anderson—Clarifications, p.55-56

Lucas gave terms of exile on 31 October and Governor Boggs no doubt was informed by 6 November when he sent General Clark the third command to rid Missouri of Mormons. Extermination phrases were now absent because generals had negotiated removal, which was the theme of Boggs' third general order: "If the [p.56] Mormons are disposed voluntarily to leave the state, of course it would be advisable in you to promote that object in any way deemed proper." This final expulsion order, though verbally milder, shows what the governor intended. "If necessary for the public peace" was a verbal condition of extermination-expulsion in Boggs' first two deportation directives to Clark. But this was only the statutory requirement for activating troops—the executive's final communication to Clark reviewed "the object of the expedition, which was to restore peace to the community."103 That was the general goal—the authorized means was force of Mormon evacuation. His mandates were carried out well by militia generals, Boggs told the legislature. Lucas, who decreed removal at Far West, "was justified by the circumstances" and merited the governor's "fullest approbation." Boggs added public superlatives of Clark—he had lived up to the executive's "high expectations" and had intelligently "executed this disagreeable duty."104 Regional Studies, Missouri, R. Anderson—Clarifications, p.56

In bicentennial 1976, Missouri's Governor Bond formally revoked Governor Boggs' first exterminating order, a profound moral gesture.105 Yet on a legal level, the commander's orders expired when the Mormon expedition terminated. Clark was put in charge of "the whole force" on 27 October in the first extermination-expulsion order, and the parallel expulsion orders were repeated on 1 November and 6 November. After surrender and court custody of leaders, the executive reminded Clark of statutory limits in his final letter of 19 November: "So soon as an insurrection is quelled and peace restored, the military authority ceases."106 Ten days later the Major General submitted his final report, indicating that "the whole of the forces placed under my command" were now "discharged." The operation was over; military directives were inoperative.107

Yet in reality, Mormon expulsion mainly occurred after the last militia units vanished at the end of November. Boggs assured the legislature of a fait accompli in early December, though few Mormons had migrated then, and their unimprisoned leaders were petitioning for a law "rescinding the order of the governor to drive us out of the state."108 Northwest representatives scorned and tabled that request. They spoke for past honor and present action. Representative Daniel Ashby, an officer in the bloody ambush of Haun's Mill, ennobled the victory: "What we did was in our own defense, and as we had the right to do." As for the legislature reversing [p.57] expulsion, was clear on what lagging Saints could expect—their memorial "came from a grand a set of villian[s] as ever lived, and such as should not be suffered to live in the state."109 The militia was gone, but deadly force awaited Saints rash enough to remain beyond winter. So Boggs' militia orders had lapsed but were effective because private regulators were still at the ready. Enforcers and rationalizers continued to venerate "the governor's order" because it dignified forced removal by unauthorized civilians.

The governor's troops had accomplished a great deal before discharge. They radically repositioned Latter-day Saints in the month when extermination orders were officially operative. Militia crippled Mormon economic power by destroying, confiscating, or declaring property forfeited, and Missouri Saints were stripped of arms. During mass migration the governor cleaned up his paper trail on guns. But he used weasel words in commanding his aide to return weapons to owners: "If, in any case, you think an improper use would be made of them, you can retain such."110 And Mormons generally did not receive them.111 Without means of defense, Clark's threat at Far West was prophecy if Mormons stayed: "The citizens will be upon you.112

Regional Studies, Missouri, R. Anderson—Clarifications, p.57

In early November the militia supervised a fourth county expulsion. Clark assigned to General Robert Wilson the expulsion orders in the Daviess center of Adam-ondi-Ahman. Wilson told Latter-day Saints there he would stay ten days with protective troops; if they did not move to Caldwell during that time, they would have to face "the just indignation of the citizens."113 Daviess militia officers signed permits allowing Latter-day Saints "to remove from Daviess to Caldwell County, there remain during the winter, or remove out of the state unmolested."114 And Daviess commander Robert Wilson took care of the spring contingency as he duplicated Clark's declaration at Far West: Mormons "need not think to put in another crop—if you do, the mob will kill you."115 Saints left Daviess at once, only to move again by spring, as citizen pressure increased. Thus the state operation compacted Mormons in Caldwell county and crushed their ability to resist.

The circuit court at Richmond also played an extra-judicial role in expulsion. As discussed, Boggs' third expulsion order dictated that "ringleaders" be turned over to the legal system for "the punishment they merit."116 In this popular view the leaders were obviously guilty, so the court's purpose was to determine [p.58] punishment. This consensus compromises the objectivity of the Richmond hearing during November. With good reason Mormon defendants called it a "mock trial," though it was technically not a trial but an examination of the prosecution's case to determine whether there was "probable ground" for later grand jury investigation and a jury trial afterward.117 This preliminary hearing lasted from 12 November to 29 November and judged testimony against the First Presidency and about 50 rank and file accused in the Mormon protection of Daviess and Caldwell in mid-October. Five were made scapegoats for a non-Mormon death in Bogart's battle and were held that winter on a murder charge. About half of the arrested Mormon soldiers were dismissed, and about half were charged with arson and robbery but released on bail. But the "ringleaders" were treated differently. The First Presidency and three others were charged with treason for directing a vigorous defense. One must ask whether the practical circuit judge really believed in the "probable ground" of the supposed Mormon kingdom, unanswerable to state and federal law, which with a thousand men declared war on a Missouri population of a quarter million. He knew that Mormons expressed intense patriotism and cooperated with all authority until the breakdown in civil protection at the end. The Richmond result is politically tainted with the punishment of leaders promised by Boggs, Lucas, and Clark. Only Joseph Smith, his counselors, and Daviess militia activists were charged with treason, an offense virtually unknown in criminal law, but so serious that bail would not be allowed. Too conveniently, this made the leaders hostages until the spring term of court, which coincided with the final Mormon expulsion. Regional Studies, Missouri, R. Anderson—Clarifications, p.58

The judge at Richmond was Austin A. King, a democrat who became governor a decade after committing Mormon leaders to Liberty Jail. A new resident of Richmond, he was appointed circuit judge of the upper counties in 1837 by Governor Boggs.118 Mormons smarted under his patronizing comments during the inquest. Although Latter-day Saint defendants were frustrated by the overdone accusations in this hearing, prisoners also bitterly complained of minority bias: the judge used his court to warn Mormons to keep their compelled commitment to leave.

This unethical agenda was reported by the only minor Mormon tainted with treason, Caleb Baldwin. Perhaps he was punished in part for his fiery tongue, for this indignant survivor of [p.59] the Jackson and Clay expulsions demanded a fair trial and twice recorded Judge King's retort that "there was no law for Mormons"—that "they must be exterminated."119 Church leaders also exposed King in their sworn testimony at Nauvoo. Hyrum Smith heard the judge insist that Boggs' decree controlled their case, "that there was no law for us, nor the Mormons in the State of Missouri; that he had sworn to see them exterminated, and to see the governor's order executed to the very letter."120 Lyman Wight heard such words in open court—King said he would have literally fulfilled the exterminating order "ere this time," had it been directed to him.121 Parley P. Pratt told of a Mormon witness questioned on the point of spring sowing, with the judge's lecture: "If you once think to plant crops or to occupy your lands any longer than the first of April, the citizens will be upon you: they will kill you every one, men, women and children."122

Thus King was also a spokesman for the expulsion party in 1838. He justified this upper-county alliance twice after non-Mormon Michael Arthur asked his Clay County representatives for a small force to protect the Saints from marauders as troops left at the end of November.123 This patrol was clearly not given, since King's defensive letter to Boggs claims that charges against terrorists would be immediately dealt with by King's court, claiming "virtue enough in this community to aid and sustain me in so laudable an undertaking."124 But the same letter discloses the narrow side of his virtuous citizenry:

The Mormons appear lately to have taken new courage, and to be determined not to move. The citizens are equally determined they shall, for nothing but expulsion or the other alternative will satisfy this community…. I can easily find men in this community, noted for their good moral character and correct deportment, who are determined the Mormons shall not reside among them.125

This Christmas letter silhouettes the shadow society that expelled the Mormons. The raw message is that the Mormon problem will be solved quicker without gestures of protection. And what else is the meaning of King's chairmanship of the 26 December public protest of Ray County against Arthur's accusations that "demons" from "Daviess, Livingston, and a part of Ray County" were pillaging destitute Latter-day Saint families?126 Public meetings were called in these three counties and two others, and for a more profound reason than wounded honor. Even with their society [p.60] temporarily shattered, Latter-day Saints were slow to abandon lands and homes. Unless Boggs' military goals were still politically honored and enforced, Mormons could not be trusted to go. Regional Studies, Missouri, R. Anderson—Clarifications, p.60

Thus county resolutions at the turn of the year were restatements of mutual support, regional reissues of the lapsed orders that were still private law. The pattern is clear in key sentences in the Ray County model drafted under Judge King's supervision:

Resolved, That we have seen with deep regret the efforts of certain newspaper writers to misconstrue and misrepresent the true spirit, intent and meaning of the governor of this state in his order, calling out the militia for the late Mormon expedition. That in our opinion, the order fairly construed, has nothing in it illegal, and that the exigency of the occasion rendered the order highly expedient.127

These midwinter resolutions formally looked backward but were rewarnings of what would happen by spring.128 Mormons well read the signs of the times as the legislature tabled their petition in early 1839, and upper Missouri meetings supported Boggs' past orders. So thousands of the faithful began to leave, wet and shivering through winter snows. Sorrows can now be studied in depth through Clark Johnson's publication of nearly 700 Mormon claims for damages, a percentage of which narrate events and personal reactions.129 Victims variously attribute their exile to Governor Boggs' "order," the treaty of General Lucas, the Far West speech of General Clark, or menacing local gangs. These and other memoirs report deadly warnings and selective assaults that dislodged an army of exiles. First there was the militia under formal orders to subjugate and expel. But the displacement party was in full control after Clark and his army vanished. This teamwork of initial military action and private follow-up drove out the Mormons, with "the extermination order" having a much longer life in the civilian sector, to which it was never issued. Unjailed Mormon officials asked the legislature to nullify an "order" unofficially in force. Mormon leaders sought its revocation and the treaty made under it, their representative explained, "so that men should not have the privilege of abusing them under a legal pretence."130

Were the 1838 extermination orders the result of "several related problems" bringing about the Mormon War of that year?131 Who made what tactical mistake, or whose property was burned in offensive and defensive moves in 1838 is not central—such frictions are incidents to displacing a minority that grew beyond [p.61] predetermined quotas. In Liberty Jail Hyrum Smith talked to a county commissioner and the jailor, both respected citizens, who each said of Mormon expulsion: "The whole plan was concocted by the governor down to the lowest judge in that upper country early in the previous spring."132 The rationale of this Clay County view is historically accurate. Commissioner Turnham said that state-wide expulsion was simply a repeat of Jackson expulsion, "for fear that we should become too numerous in that upper country."133 Joseph Smith arrived at Far West in early spring of 1838 and said that he was met by suspicion and anger in non-Mormon circles.134 Every reason exists to believe this, for the coming of the Prophet with his settlement plans signalled to upper Missouri that the Mormon presence would increase. That was what northwest leaders and Governor Boggs resisted in 1836, and actively worked against in 1838. Firm limits were drawn on Mormon access to northwest Missouri long before the August election of 1838. From that point Governor Boggs supported restrictionists in three consecutive stages: two months of silent cooperation with old settlers' ultimatums; one month official militia campaign and occupation; and five months of administrative stonewalling, allowing private groups to force out the whole people. Regional Studies, Missouri, R. Anderson—Clarifications, p.61-62

The first extermination order was far more than executive reflex at the mirage of a regional Mormon offensive. Although "issued in an environment of hostility and fear," the order came from deeper wells.135 Four days after the first order, fear faded when the Prophet walked into General Lucas' camp and sent back word to surrender without a shot. But ending hysteria did not end the expulsion policy, which created the extermination orders and outlasted their demise. After confining Mormons to their Caldwell County reservation in 1836, Boggs and the restriction alliance still controlled Missouri government in 1838. In that year the Latter-day Saint center shifted from Ohio to Missouri. But instead of welcoming Mormon industry and resources, upper counties chose to exclude them for their cohesive religion. Demands for statewide eviction increased in direct proportion to increased immigration in 1838. The expulsion party then spoke and acted decisively, counting on the continued support of Governor Boggs. This political faction was a conspiracy, defined as a group banded together for illegal purposes—for taking political control by military methods. The conspiracy was state-wide in the sense that the central [p.62] government supported the northern county coalitions. The timing was determined by 1838 Latter-day Saint expansion in Missouri. If there had been no Daviess County confrontation or Crooked River skirmish, history would record equivalent precipitating incidents of different names. The givens were upper-county determination to limit Mormon clusters outside of Caldwell, Latter-day Saint insistence on rights of free settlement, and a governor willing to use state machinery to support the northwest faction of his party. With this 1838 combination, the minority was doomed to leave. Regional Studies, Missouri, R. Anderson—Clarifications, p.62

As General Moses Wilson escorted the top prisoners to Jackson County, he talked freely to men who would soon be taken off his hands for punishment. Parley P. Pratt wrote down the "tenor of the conversation," which accurately describes each violent expulsion in Missouri, from a county or from the state:

We know perfectly that from the beginning the Mormons have not been the aggressors at all. As it began in '33 in Jackson County, so it has been ever since. You Mormons were crowded to the last extreme and compelled to self-defense, and this has been construed into treason, murder and plunder. We mob you without law; the authorities refuse to protect you according to law; you are compelled to protect yourselves, and we act upon the prejudices of the public, who join our forces, and the whole is legalized for your destruction and our gain.136

JOSEPH SMITH AND CIVIL RIGHTS

The Prophet was a constitutionalist, despite his peremptory image in exposures of Missouri Mormon dissenters and in the recent 1838 study borrowing their perspective. Since Boggs' extermination orders expressed the contemporary view that majorities could "expel unwanted persons or groups from their communities," we are told that "Mormons asserted this right when they drove dissenters from Caldwell County."137 This comparison of an elephant to a mouse deserves comment as it relates to Joseph Smith, whose strong influence is in the background of the flight of four former Mormons and their families from Far West in June of 1838. These excommunicated leaders were warned out of town for sustained slander of the First Presidency, and for filing lawsuits in a community depleted of resources in coming to a new country. These individualists had moved with the Church to continue the infighting that severely impaired Mormonism at Kirtland in the prior year. [p.63] Authorities considered further tolerance a spiritual danger to their flock and an invitation to persecution if twisted images of the presidency were continually thrown to non-Mormon enemies seeking expulsion pretexts. An opposition newspaper was planned.138

Those exiled by fright were Book of Mormon witnesses Oliver Cowdery, David and John Whitmer, as well as former apostle Lyman Johnson.139 Yet a dozen other articulate dissidents remained in Far West to its fall, besides other non-Mormons who were socially part of the Saints' center. Like many responsible contemporaries, Joseph Smith experimented with prior restraint of defamation in times of danger. But the flight of the Cowdery-Whitmer group is an exception in Joseph Smith's policy of full rights for Mormons and neighbors. Arriving in Far West in mid-March of 1838, the Prophet intensely sought civil security and soon dictated a political motto that began: "The constitution of our country, formed by the fathers of liberty; peace and good order in society; love to God and good will to man."140 A year later, after tedious winter imprisonment, he wrote a valedictory with unaffected political idealism:

The Constitution of the United States is a glorious standard…. We brethren are deprived of the protection of this glorious principle by the cruelty of…those who…forget that the Mormons, as well as the Presbyterians and those of every other class and description, have equal rights to partake of the great tree of our national liberty.141 Regional Studies, Missouri, R. Anderson—Clarifications, p.63-64

The trade-off thesis of the 1838 Mormon expulsion claims that "both the Mormons and Missourians" believed that "majority rule" justified minority evictions.142 However, Mormon belief was defined by their Prophet, who through this period and beyond asserted that individual rights must be protected against majority tyranny. On the other hand, expulsionist party statements, typified by 1836 correspondent Anderson Wilson, admitted, "We are trampling on our law and constitution, but we can't help it."143 There is no parity in viewpoint here. If the Prophet and early Saints imperfectly protected some dissenters, they sincerely worked for a rule of law and largely succeeded. Joseph Smith's militaristic statements in Missouri were made in the face of impending or actual warfare. He arrived in spring and, after four months of normal living, suffered three months of savage hostility against Latter-day Saints, followed by five months imprisonment. He sounds aggressive when he was engineering defense for scattered thousands without civil protection. [p.64] His militaristic words in this period have a condition, "if he was not let alone."144 His stated goal was peaceable possession, but he used warnings and defensive power moves to ward off violence.

Doubt is thrown on Joseph Smith's constitutional commitment by claiming that he directly controlled Sampson Avard's oath-bound companies, which were early called Danites.145 Their extreme indoctrinations stressed extra-legal terrorism and blind obedience, but the Prophet's contact is not close enough to justify the full endorsement implied in the following statement: "Joseph Smith did indeed know about and approve of the Danite organization."146 Missouri sources bring the society into existence in June, and Mormon dissidents thought it generated the June demand to the Whitmer-Cowdery group to flee Far West. The only official contemporary reference explains the Danite goals and notes that this "company, or a part of them exhibited on the fourth day of July."147 This poses the issue of whether they were really a loyalist association operating within official Mormon troops rather than their unproved image as a paramilitary group with its own power of initiative. On 4 July 1838, Far West saw patriotic pageantry and the laying of the temple cornerstones. Officers in charge of cavalry and infantry included known Danite leaders, but at least four also held state commissions in the Caldwell County militia.148

The above source calling 4 July troops Danites was written by George W. Robinson, a Danite officer and Church recorder. In making this entry, he outlined Danite purposes:

We have a company of Danites in these times, to put to right physically that which is not right, and to cleanse the Church of very great evils which hath hitherto existed among us, inasmuch as they cannot be put to right by teachings and persuasions.149

Robinson's record worries about non-Mormon violence, so his first sentence here speaks of community defense. Whereas militia units were raised by counties, Mormon protection required integrated command across county lines. This need probably motivated creation of Danite officers in addition to Mormon militia officers. Robinson's second purpose is internal: "to cleanse the Church of very great evils which hath hitherto existed among us." These "very great evils" include the slanders, unfair lawsuits, and threats directed at Mormon leaders by schismatic Mormons, often bitter because of financial losses. These problems characterized chaotic [p.65] 1837 in Ohio and also the carryover year of 1838, when Joseph Smith arrived in Missouri and drew fire from migrating Mormons with unresolved frustrations. But faithful Mormons sought to surround their leaders with protection and foster unity among the Saints. Tensions arose, similar to wartime pressures on civil rights in modern democracies. But there was also fanaticism of would-be leaders apparently driven by ambition.

In all major accounts, the Danite founder and most influential leader was Sampson Avard, who testified in the Richmond hearing against Mormon leaders in exchange for legal immunity. Point for point, he propped up the state's theory of a separate Mormon state, which makes Avard a courtroom tool instead of a reliable witness. Although he testified that Joseph Smith dictated all Danite policy, this is the one thing Mormon dissenters could not nail down.150 Danites did take oaths for secrecy, for protection of fellow members, and for total obedience to any First Presidency directives. And Avard gave liberal instruction in retribution against disloyal Danites, Mormon dissenters, and anti-Mormon aggressors. However, those attending Danite meetings agree that Joseph Smith rarely visited, only spoke to thank the group for their loyalty, but did not publicly hear Avard's extremes. For instance, Reed Peck, a lukewarm Danite officer, testified:

Dr. Avard, in speaking to the society, remarked that it would be impossible for the presidency to explain the object of the society to every member, but that the presidency would explain their views or wishes to the head officers, and they to the members of the society. I was present at one meeting when the officers of the society were presented and introduced to the presidency, each officer receiving a blessing from them. Avard stated that he had procured the presidency to come there, to show the society that what he had been doing was according to their direction or will; and while there, the presidency approved of Avard's course in the society. Dr. Avard, however, did not explain to the presidency what his teaching had been in the society.151

No history of this group can be written from the fragments remaining after dropping much of Avard's tainted testimony. Only outlines exist in datable journals and recollections, which give organization in June, meetings in July and August, and members' signals for mutual protection at the election fracas in August. Avard's prominence and the organization's visibility diminishes after that. This fits Mormon defense realities, since in concept the Danites were a select group, estimated at the time as no more than 300 in number.152 But intercounty regulators converged on Daviess [p.66] and Carroll Counties after the election fight, and then all able Latter-day Saint men were organized, up to a final total of about 900.153 The original term for the elite corps persisted, but in the later October drilling at Far West, Albert Rockwood makes the public "armies of Israel" synonymous with "Danites." He says the name was used because Daniel prophesied the success of God's kingdom in the latter-days.154 So "Danite" does not consistently refer to Avard's special forces. Rockwood arrived at Far West in mid-September, when full Mormon reserves were utilized, not just the restricted Avard Society. Anson Call also applies "Danite" broadly; he describes Avard's group and adds: "I belong[ed] to this organization and so did the whole of the military force."155 That suggests that the October defense forces had assimilated the Danite bands and their officers. Regional Studies, Missouri, R. Anderson—Clarifications, p.66

The historian knows a little about Danite meetings but has no proof of a purely Danite military action. At Adam-ondi-Ahman meetings, Wight spoke fiercely about not giving ground to Daviess expulsionists. At Far West meetings, Avard's overblown rhetoric prevailed, contrasted with Joseph Smith's realism in his only provable visit to the society there. Joseph Smith's speech was described in some detail by John Corrill and Reed Peck. This military organization was only for protection, Joseph Smith said, and the reported discourse continued:

Relating the oppressions the society had suffered, and they wanted to be prepared for further events; but said he wished to do nothing unlawful, and if the people would let him alone, they would preach the gospel and live in peace.156

The only predominantly Danite event was the unplanned Daviess election riot. A dozen Mormons were provoked while walking in to vote, some gave the distress sign, and with improvised clubs they held their own against great odds. Conflicts afterward involved Danites but as part of community forces. Since reports of the voting riot had two Mormons killed and unburied, about 150 Caldwell men immediately went to Daviess to protect Adam-ondi-Ahman. By crossing county lines, these men can be labelled "vigilantes," but there is a big difference between Mormon irregulars seeking constitutional guarantees and the expulsionists, who fielded private forces to take away constitutional rights. The contemporary church record says the reinforcing company was led by [p.67] the "First Presidency, General Higbee, General Avard"; church recorder George W. Robinson names himself as field leader and adds Colonel Lyman Wight to the leaders at their Daviess destination.157 Finding reports of deaths and hostilities incorrect, the Caldwell group joined with some Daviess Mormons to require Justice of the Peace Adam Black to sign a pledge to protect their civil rights. In Esquire Black's version, Wight and a small company came to bargain and threaten, and then Avard and a large company followed to do the same. Learning that Joseph Smith was in the second group, Black asked to see him. After a more reasonable conversation, Black signed his own statement that he would "support the constitution of this state, and of the United States, and will support no mob."158 Black also described bloodthirsty threats from Avard, which Joseph Smith did not approve:

Witness said to Avard, you must be of a savage nature, and he replied he was, that he was an old Virginian, that it was his disposition and he could not help it. Witness then asked Mr. Smith if he protected Dr. Avard in his savage disposition, or if he possessed such a heart. He replied no.159

Regional Studies, Missouri, R. Anderson—Clarifications, p.67

In this sole operation with Avard on center stage, Joseph Smith rejected his aggressive ways, which must be connected to Avard's lack of military position afterward. Six weeks later, the Prophet led a relief expedition to Carroll County, and Avard did not go; next, the final Daviess relief expedition was sent, and Avard went along and was in one large staff council, though he had no command.160 In fact, in describing final Daviess operations, Avard gives an undated dismissal:

I once had a command as an officer, but Joseph Smith, Jr., removed me from it. And I asked him the reason, and he assigned that he had another office for me. Afterwards Mr. Rigdon told me I was to fill the office of surgeon, to attend to the sick and wounded.161

This was before the Crooked River clash, for Avard had nothing to do with command or council then, and only helped the wounded.162

These conflicts of Joseph Smith with Avard support Lorenzo Dow Young's recollection, which should be credited because of its rich detail. In "late summer" Young was invited to Danite sessions in Far West and was offended at the secret principle of taking "vengeance on their enemies." After several meetings Avard demanded that Lorenzo take the oath of loyalty on the spot, only to [p.68] have Young openly criticize Avard with support from many members:

From the meeting I went direct to Brother Brigham and related the whole history of the affair…. He added, "I will go at once to Brother Joseph, who has suspicioned that some secret wickedness was being carried on by Dr. Avard." Dr. Avard was at once cited before the authorities of the Church and cut off for his wickedness.163

The day Avard began to testify in the Richmond inquest, defendant Lyman Wight wrote a disdainful profile of the former paper general, emphasizing Avard's aspirations for power:

And in order to raise himself in the estimation of the Church, [he] invented schemes and plans to go against mobocracy which were perfectly derogatory to the laws of this state and of the United States, and frequently endeavored to enforce them upon members of the Church, and when repulsed by Joseph Smith, he would frequently become chagrined. At one time he told me that the reason why he could not carry his plans into effect was that the First Presidency of the Church feared that he would have too much influence.164 Regional Studies, Missouri, R. Anderson—Clarifications, p.68-69

Wight wrote at the time, and with inside military knowledge. Avard's "invented schemes" went beyond Joseph Smith's vigorous defense measures, but Avard did not disclose his full program to the Prophet in attempting to create his own loyalties. Several sources verify Avard's demotion and possible Missouri excommunication. Moreover, in prison Joseph told the Church he had only lately learned "that many false and pernicious things which were calculated to lead the Saints far astray and to do great injury have been taught by Dr. Avard as coming from the presidency." Joseph's denunciation specifies "frauds and secret abominations and evil works of darkness," which equate with Avard's teachings of noble deception and secret violence. This targets Avard's organization but not the community troops later labelled Danites.165 Joseph singled out Avard by naming the errors taught by secret Danitism: oaths over ethics and intimidation and retribution against enemies. In this context, the Prophet reminded the Church of two gospel principles that would correct Avard's morally sick program. Instead of "organization of bands" with "oaths by penalties," Joseph would stand for public truth "of a bold and frank and an upright nature." Instead of teaching reprisal and revenge, the Prophet eloquently explained that Mormonism stood for "great liberality toward all others that are not of our faith," and that civil administration must guarantee [p.69] "to all parties, sects, and denominations and classes of religion—equal, coherent [and] indefeasable rights."166

It is too easily said that the "lawless activities of the Saints can be traced directly to Joseph Smith."167 In the first place, reasonable defense is not defined as lawless, either in private or international justice. As to Joseph Smith's Missouri record, he regularly sought legal solutions and cooperated with courts and militia officers until the authority of these institutions vanished—until Governor Boggs sent back a non-message when appealed to before the Carroll County expulsion. Actions at the end were adjustments to lack of law, not a pattern of contravening it. Civil War was thrust on the Mormons, who did not seek it and yet resisted imminent expulsion with what power they could muster. In Joseph Smith's own explanation, "It is because we were honest men and were determined to defend the lives of the Saints at the expense of our own."168 His deep respect for state and federal rights is completely consistent with armed resistance, if necessary, to preserve them.

With faith that there must be a national remedy for every constitutional freedom, the Prophet traveled to Washington, only to be reminded that he lived in a political period of states' rights. He and Elias Higbee wrote from the capital that Van Buren heard them out, sympathized at their suffering, but declined to "come in contact with the whole state of Missouri."169 Sectional interest was politically compelling to the president, just as regional interest had been politically compelling to Governor Boggs. The Civil War, the Fourteenth Amendment, and legally enforceable national citizenship were decades, even a century away, yet Joseph Smith eloquently spoke about a new era. Justice for minorities moved him to an 1844 candidacy, as many private comments show: "If I ever get in the presidential chair, I will protect the people in their rights and liberties."170 In his major campaign document, the Prophet favored federal authority strong enough to guarantee civil privileges ignored or violated by a state: "The governor himself may be a mobber, and instead of being punished as he should be for murder or treason, he may destroy the very lives, rights and property he should protect."171 The Prophet's candidacy began with disillusionment at answers of national figures on the issue of national protection for the Mormon minority. Joseph Smith repeatedly named civil justice as a main motive in seeking presidential office: "As the [p.70] world have used the power of government to oppress and persecute us, it is right to use it for the protection of our rights."172

The sequel to Missouri expulsion orders is the Prophet's active search for national executive and judicial powers to broaden civil rights, a process largely accomplished at the sesquicentennial of his death. To Joseph Smith's credit, he used every opportunity to advance this process by speaking, lobbying at state and national levels, and seeking local and national office:

I would not have suffered my name to have been used by my friends on any wise as president of the United States or candidate for that office if I and my friends could have had the privilege of enjoying our religious and civil rights as American citizen[s], even those rights which the constitution guarantee[s] unto all her citizens alike. But this we as a people have been denied from the beginning. Persecution has rolled upon our heads from time to time from portions of the United States like peels of thunder because of our religion. And no portion of the government as yet has stepped forward for our relief. And under view of these things, I feel it to be my right and privilege to obtain what influence and power I can lawfully in the United States for the protection of injured innocence. And if I lose my life in a good cause, I am will[ing] to be sacrificed on the altar of virtue, righteousness and truth in maintaining the laws and constitution of the United States, if need be for the general good of mankind.173

WHO DO HISTORIANS AND AUTHORITIES

BLAME FOR THE DANITES?

ELDERS' RECORD

Sampson AVARD (1800-?). Native of St. Peter, Isle of Guernsey, UK. Baptized 1835. Secured elder's or missionary license in Kirtland 31 May 1836 and anointing in Kirtland Temple 3 Apr 1837. Moved to MO by 1838. Became a leader of retaliatory group known as Danites. Excommunicated after implicating Church leaders as members of this group. Resided in IL 1850. [Backman & Cook eds. Kirtland Elders' Record (1985), Appendix, p.69]

GEORGE Q. CANNON

All the vile characters in that section of the country soon flocked to the mob organizations. The most diabolical combinations were formed: one of the worst being under the direction of Dr. Sampson Avard, one of the apostate spirits, who formed a band which he called Danites, to aid him in purposes of plunder and murder, which he intended to attribute to the Church, and thus furnish an excuse for the attacks upon his former brethren. But his plot was discovered by the Prophet, and Avard was publicly excommunicated, so that the world might know that the Church had no part in this infamy. His plan was, by this prompt action, defeated almost before it had birth. [George Q. Cannon, Life of Joseph Smith the Prophet, p.269]

ORSON F. WHITNEY

In May, 1842, Bennett's treachery and rascality became known to his benefactor, Joseph Smith, whose life, it seems, he had basely attempted. Soon afterward he was convicted of the crime of seduction and severed from the Church. Vindictive in the extreme, he invented all sorts of stories to bring trouble upon his former friends. Some of these he circulated before his excommunication; notably the canard in relation to the Prophet's licentiousness. Affecting deep contrition after his exposure, he voluntarily made affidavit that Joseph Smith had never taught him anything contrary to the principles of truth and virtue, and so far as he knew the Prophet's private life was above reproach. Finding that he could not regain the confidence of the community, he withdrew from Nauvoo and became for a time the head and front of an anti-Mormon movement. He wrote and published a book, a pretended expose of Mormonism, in which he revived the false story of the [p.43] "Danites, or "Destroying Angels," originally told by Dr. Avard, another apostate, in Missouri. Bennett declared that these "Danites" (Mormon avengers) were following him, to put him out of the way. He alleged that Joseph Smith was about to make himself a king; that he was planning the overthrow of the American republic, and the founding of a despotic empire upon its ruins; that he even then kept a seraglio, like an oriental monarch, and if permitted to gain the power he coveted would gratify to the full upon the persons and properties of his Mormon and non-Mormon subjects, his lustful passions and tyrannical instincts. ["The Mormon Prophet's Tragedy," Orson F. Whitney, p.42]

OLIVER HUNTINGTON

But a few weeks before, and but a few rods from this same place, I first formed a knowledge, and took the first mystic step in the new and unknown bounds of the brothers and ites of Dan; entered an apprentice in the divine brotherly union; and ended at the same time; or rather that was my first and last step, on account of our breaking up there, and our removal from the state. [Oliver Huntington Autobiography, BYU-S, p.37 - p.38]

This society of Danites was condemned by the public like the rest of Mormonism; and there was a great huandory about the Danites, all over the county and among the army; but who and what they were no one was any wiser for anything they heard; and as many stories were in circulation the most horrid and awfully distorted opinions their minds could imagine, and they all thought that every depredation was committed by the Danites; Danites, awful Danites; every mobber was afraid of the thoughts of one of those awful men.

And if they were to see a man of their own acquaintance, and were told in confidence he was a Danite, they would even shun his company and conversation. Such being their opinion and belief of the Danites, and we knowing it, concluded to make the best of it. So every mysterious trick and bold adventure which had been transacted, was planned upon them and everybody knew there had a company of Mormons fled to the Indian territories, (for they were pursued by their trail) and they, it was stated, were the Danites, a most daring band of braves, who were bound together like the Masons.--

Thus they became, in a great measure, the scapegoats of the people, bearing off every charge, unless, it was personal. But it was not long after that (the surrender) before a charge came against father by Adam Black, but father so successfully smoothed it over and cleared it up they were afterwards on good and friendly terms.

Black brought with him Major Davis and Doctor Carr, another officer of the army, as witnesses and council, but so effectually remove their suspicions, that they thought the most honest man on earth, and after that Davis and Carr brought their rations to our house, and ate at the table with the family, instead of quartering with the army which was camped not more than 40 rods from the house.

This brought us into great repute on both sides, the one for cunning and good luck and the other for honesty of heart; and as there was to be a committee of twelve to be chosen from either of the parties (mob and Mormon) as conferring representatives of the holy body on either of the sides, to do all business with the Church and settle all affairs and business in Davis, Caldwell, Clay and other counties; father was pitched upon as one; he and Bishop Hale, were the most active and had in a short time to do all their business entirely with but one of the other committee.

The committee all wore white strips around, or hanging from their hats, whenever they went on business, that they might be known, (for it was very dangerous for anyone to go into the country around or even to their own farms, for all were compelled to live in Farwest [Far West] and a man was liable to be shot if he was found picking his own corn, without an order from some or all of the committees. The treaty, or terms on which we surrendered and gave up our arms, was; that we were to have our lives spared and retain all personal property for ourselves; and we were to leave there and move to Farwest in ten days, and from there, according to the governor's orders, we were to leave the state in the spring. We did not all leave Diahman until sometime after the ten days, for a violent snow storm soon set in, which made it doubly bad for them to what it was for us as they were incamp. (and we not much better.) [Oliver Huntington Autobiography, BYU-S, p.38].

EBENEZER ROBINSON

After having gone through with the form of a trial by the high council, in which the cases of David and John Whitmer, Oliver Cowdery, W. [William] W. Phelps, and L. [Lyman] E. Johnson were disposed of, and Joseph Smith, [Jr.], and Sidney Rigdon had written that unfeeling letter to John Whitmer, unbecoming gentlemen, much less professed Saints, and after having that remarkable revelation stating that Far West was holy ground, (as published in the August and September numbers of THE RETURN), a society was organized by the Church members, at first called, "The Daughter of Zion," afterwards, "Danites," (or from which came the secret order called "Danites") to be governed by the following purported Bill of Rights and Articles of organization: [Ebenezer Robinson The Return 1 (October 1889), p.145]

DAVID WHITMER

David Whitmer believes in the Bible as implicitly as any devotee alive; and he believes in the Book of Mormon as much as he does in the Bible. The one is but a supplement to the other according to his idea, and neither would be complete were the other lacking. And no man can look at David Whitmer's face for half an hour, while he carily and modestly speaks of what he has seen, and then boldly and earnestly confesses the faith that is in him, and say that he is a bigot or an enthusiast. While he shrinks from unnecessary public promulgations of creed, and keenly feels that the Brighamites and Danites and numerous other ites have disgraced it, yet he would not hesitate, in emergency, to STAKE HIS HONOR AND EVEN HIS LIFE upon its reliability. His is the stern faith of the Puritans, modified by half a century of benevolent thought and quiet observation. He might have been a martyr had he lacked sense and shrewdness to escape [page 158] the death sentence that was pronounced against him by the high priests of the church he had helped to build. As it is, he is the only living witness of the wondrous revelation made to Joseph Smith, [Jr.], the founder of Mormonism. [S.L. Herald, 12 Aug 1875 in Ebbie Richardson, "David Whitmer," pp.157-58]

CHICAGO TRIBUNE

For a time the Church flourished in Jackson County, with headquarters at Independence, [Missouri] but when the trouble occurred between the Mormons and Missourians, the former were driven from the county into Caldwell County where they founded a settlement and named it Far West. David Whitmer, stripped of his earthly possessions, was warned to flee for his life, and, accompanied by his family, his brothers and their families, and Oliver Cowdery, he journeyed to Ray County, where he settled at Richmond, [Missouri], in 1838. At that time he had nothing left but a single horse and wagon and his precious records. It was then that the Danites were organized, and it is said that their formation was for the purpose of killing the Whitmers and Cowdery, they having been commanded and openly refused to obey, the so-called leaders, right or wrong. The Whitmers and Cowdery then renounced the Church, as conducted, but during the years they have lived in Ray County, [Missouri], they have continued to teach the precepts according to the original Church. [Chicago Tribune, 15 Dec 1885 in Richardson, "David Whitmer," p.207]

DAVID WHITMER, ADDRESS (1887), P.35

[page 35] The next grievous error which crept into the church was in ordaining high priests in June, 1831. This error was introduced at the instigation of Sydney [Sidney] Rigdon. The office of high priests was never spoken of, and never thought of being established in the church until Rigdon came in. Remember that we had been preaching from August, 1829, until June, 1831--almost two years--and had baptized about 2,000 members into the Church of Christ, and had not one high priest. During 1829, several times we were told by Brother Joseph that anelder was the highest office in the church.

In December, 1820, Sydney [Sidney] Rigdon and Edward Partridge came from Kirtland, Ohio, to Fayette, New York, to see Brother Joseph, and in the latter part of the winter they returned to Kirtland. In February, 1831, Brother Joseph came to Kirtland where Rigdon was. Rigdon was a thorough Bible scholar, a man of fine education, and a powerful orator. He soon worked himself deep into Brother Joseph's afflictions, and had more influence over him than any other man living.

He was Brother Joseph's private counsellor, and his most intimate friend and brother for some time after they met. Brother Joseph rejoiced, believing that the Lord had sent to him this great and mighty man Sydney [Sidney] Rigdon, to help him in the work. Poor Brother Joseph! He was mistaken about this, and likewise all of the brethren were mistaken; for we thought at that time just as Brother Joseph did about it.

RIGDON FORMED THE DANITES

But alas! in a few years we found out different. Sydney [Sidney] Rigdon was the cause of almost all the errors which were introduced while he was in the church. I believe Rigdon to have been the instigator of the secret organization known as the "Danites" which was formed in Far West Missouri in June, 1838. In Kirtland, Ohio, in 1831, Rigdon would expound the Old Testament scriptures of the Bible and Book of Mormon (in his way) to Joseph, concerning the priesthood, high priests, etc., and would persuade Brother Joseph to inquire of the Lord about this doctrine and that doctrine, and of course a revelation would always come just as they desired it. Tigdon finally persuaded Brother Joseph to believe that the high priests which had such great power in ancient time, should be in the Church of Christ today.

He had Brother Joseph inquire of the Lord about it, and they received an answer according to their erring desires. Remember that this revelation came like the one to ordain Brother "Prophet, Seer, and Revelator" to the church--through Brother Joseph as mouthpiece, and not through the stone. Remember also that "some revelations are of God; some revelations are of man; and some revelations are of the devil." [DAVID WHITMER, ADDRESS (1887), P.35]

TIMES AND SEASONS

This organization was in existence when the mobs commenced their most violent attempts upon the citizens of the before mentioned counties, and from this association arose all the horror afterwards expressed by the mob as some secret clan known as Danites. [Times and Seasons, Vol.4, p.271]

JAMES R. CLARK

I would caution the reader, however, as did Mr. Poll, against the acceptance of all of Hansen's conclusions, especially those for the pre-exodus period. I cannot agree, for instance, that the evidence Hansen offers establishes the connections he makes between the Council of Fifty as a secret organization and the Danites of the Missouri period. Nor can I yet accept all of his conclusions for the connection between the Council of Fifty, the kingdom of God concept, and the exploration for further settlement in Texas and elsewhere by some of the divergent Mormon groups following the death of Joseph Smith. [James R. Clark, BYU Studies, Vol. 9, No. 2, p.228]

REED C. DURHAM, Jr. BYU STUDIES

The secret band or "secret militant society" which both David Whitmer and Mark McKiernan wrote about was unquestionably the organization most familiarly known as the Danites. Klaus Hansen said that the Danites were originally organized "in self-defense against the depredations of the Missourians," adding that they were "a secret military organization bound together by oaths and secret passwords."50 Leland Gentry states that after the dissenters left, [Reed C. Durham, Jr., BYU Studies, Vol. 13, No. 1, p.54]

. . . the Danites lost the rationale behind their existence. A new purpose had to be found in order to justify the organization's continuance. The warlike threats continually breathed against the Saints by their Missouri neighbors furnished the desired objective, namely, protection against mob violence.51

As if one formally organized group, such as the Danites, based upon near-enmity of their neighbors, wasn't enough, the Mormon leader established another military-oriented group called the Armies of Israel or the Host of Israel. As with the Danites its most important reason for being was to protect the Saints from mobs-- and the only mobbers against them in Missouri were Missourians. The Host of Israel was established by Joseph Smith and it was believed that Joseph Smith was commander-in-chief.52 John D. Lee wrote about both of these militant bodies, placing the date of their origins in the summer of 1838:

. . . In justice to truth I must state, that just before the general election of August, 1838, a general notice was given for all the brethren of Daviess county to meet at Adam-on-Diamond [sic]. Every man obeyed the call. At the meeting all the males over eighteen years of age, were organized into a military body, according to the law of the priesthood, and called "The Host of Israel." The first rank was a captain with ten men under him; next was a captain of fifty, that is he had five companies of ten; next, the captain of a hundred, or of ten captains and companies of ten. The entire membership of the Mormon Church was then organized in the same way. This, as I was informed, was the first organization of the military force of the Church. It was so organized at that time by command of God, as revealed through the Lord's Prophet, Joseph Smith. God commanded Joseph Smith to place the Host of Israel in a situation for defence against the enemies of God and the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints. [Reed C. Durham, Jr., BYU Studies, Vol. 13, No. 1, p.55]

At the same Conference another organization was perfected, or then first formed--it was called the "Danites." The members of this order were placed under the most sacred obligations that language could invent. They were sworn to stand by and sustain each other. Sustain, protect, defend, and obey the leaders of the Church, under any and all circumstances unto death; and to disobey the orders of the leaders of the Church, or divulge the name of a Danite to an outsider, or to make public any of the secrets of the order of Danites, was to be punished with death. And I can say of a truth, many have paid the penalty for failing to keep their covenants. They had signs and tokens for use and protection. The token of recognition was such it could be readily understood, and it served as a token of distress by which they could know each other from their enemies, although they were entire strangers to each other. When the sign was given it must be responded to and obeyed, even at the risk or certainty of death. The Danite that would refuse to respect the token, and comply with all its requirements, was stamped with dishonor, infamy, shame, disgrace, and his fate for cowardice and treachery was death.53 Reed C. Durham, Jr., BYU Studies, Vol. 13, No. 1, p.56

The organizational pattern of the army into companies of tens and fifties, as described by Lee, was the same as that found in the Danites' army. The two groups were so similar that even the Prophet Joseph Smith attempted to explain the difference between them in order to prevent any possible confusion.54

I have attempted to show evidence that an aggressive, belligerent, and militant spirit was being developed in the hearts of the Latter-day Saints in Missouri. The Political Motto, the Salt Sermon, the Note of Warning, and the flight of the dissenters all testify to it; but the fact that two formed organizations were actually created and operative in Missouri--two Mormon armies!--adds greater validity to that argument. Yet, with all of this additional supporting evidence comes from the words of Sidney Rigdon given on Independence Day, 4 July 1838. His position was given while delivering an official address on that day, an address which reflected the attitudes of the Saints. (It is important to remember that this sermon was delivered only one month before the Gallatin affair.) The address is known as the Mormon Declaration of Independence. The following is an excerpt of the final words of his speech:

It is not because we cannot, if we were so disposed, enjoy the honors and flatteries of the world, but we have voluntarily offered them in sacrifice, and the riches of the world also, for a more durable substance. Our God has promised us a reward of eternal inheritance. . . . The promise is sure, and the reward is certain. It is because of this, that we have taken the spoiling of our goods. Our cheeks have been given to the smiters, and our heads to those who have plucked off the hair. We have not only when smitted on one cheek turned the other, but we have done it, again and again, until we are wearied of being smitted, and tired of being trampled upon. We have proved the world with kindness, we have suffered their abuse without cause, with patience, and have endured without resentment, until this day, and still their persecution and violence does not cease. But from this day and this hour, we will suffer it no more. Reed C. Durham, Jr., BYU Studies, Vol. 13, No. 1, p.57

We take God and all the holy angels to witness this day, that we warn all men in the name of Jesus Christ, to come on us no more forever; for from this hour, we will bear it no more, our rights shall no more be trampled upon with impunity. The man or the set of men, who attempts it, does it at the expense of their lives. And that mob that comes on us to disturb us, it shall be between us and them a war of extermination, for we will follow them, till the last drop of their blood is spilled, or else they will have to exterminate us: for we will carry the seat of war to their own houses, and their own families, and one party or the other shall be utterly destroyed.--Remember it then all MEN!

We will never be the aggressors, we will infringe on the rights of no people; but shall stand for our own until death. We claim our own rights, and are willing that all others shall enjoy theirs.

No man shall be at liberty to come into our streets, to threaten us with mobs, for if he does, he shall atone for it before he leaves the place, neither shall he be at liberty, to vilify and slander any of us, for suffer it we will not in this place.

We therefore, take all men to record this day, that we proclaim our liberty on this day, as did out fathers. And we pledge this day to one another, our fortunes, our lives, and our sacred honors, to be delivered from the persecutions which we have had to endure for the last nine years, or nearly that. Neither will we indulge any man, or set of men, in instituting vexatious law suits against us, to cheat us out of our just rights, if they attempt it we say woe be unto them.

We this day then proclaim ourselves free, with a purpose and a determination, that never can be broken, "no never! NO NEVER!! NO NEVER!!!55 {Italics added}

The sermon was enthusiastically welcomed by the entire congregation; in fact, upon the conclusion of it they spontaneously shouted the "hosannah shout." "From every standpoint, the speech was an immediate success."56 The skeptic who does not believe that either the message or the tone of this address reflected the official Church position or, at least, Joseph Smith's position, and that it only reflected Sidney Rigdon's point of view, must reorient his thinking when he reads the following words from Joseph Smith, given less than one month after the Gallatin Election Day Battle:

To return to the election at Gallatin:--The brethren all attended the election. All things seemed to pass off quietly, until some of the Mormons went up to the polls to vote. I was lying on the grass with McBrier and a number of others. . . . When Steward fell, the Mormons sprang to the pile of oak hearts, and each man, taking one for use, rushed into the crowd. The Mormons were yelling, "Save him!" and the settlers yelled, "Kill him; d--n him!" The Sign of distress was given by the Danites, and all rushed forward, determined to save Steward, or die with hi . . . . The Danite sign of distress was again given by John L. Butler, one of the captains of the Host of Israel. . . . Seeing the sign, I sprang to my feet and armed myself with one of the oak sticks. I did this because I was a Danite, and my oaths that I had taken required immediate action on my part, in support of the one giving the sign. . . . Captain Butler was then a stranger to me, and until I saw him give the Danite sign of distress, I had believed him to be one of the Missouri ruffians, who were our enemies. . . . The man then gave the sign, and I knew how to act.59 [Italics added]

Reed C. Durham, Jr., BYU Studies, Vol. 13, No. 1, p.60

I did not want to kill anyone, but merely to stop the affray and went in with the determination, to rescue my brethren from such miserable curs at all hazards, thinking when hefting my stick that I must temper my lick just so as not to kill, and further when I called out for the Danites a power rested upon me such as one I never felt before . . . . After the fight was over, we gathered our men on some hewn house logs and told the mob that we would fight them as long as blood run warm in our veins, if they still persisted, but they begged for peace after they saw their men lying round. . . .60 [Italics added]

LEONARD J. ARRINGTON BYU STUDIES

The fascination of outsiders for the Mormon community was like that of children when they look into a snake pit; or similar to that of the woman with her eye glued to the telescope focused on a neighboring apartment who keeps repeating, "Isn't it disgusting!" The image was one of hateful intolerance, but the fascination was such that an enormous literature was produced. More than two hundred book-length accounts were published detailing travel through Mormon country; more than a hundred novels were printed giving fictional accounts of experiences with Mormons; and perhaps a dozen books of anti-Mormon humor were published. No local group in America had ever been the object of such interest and concern. And the image of the Mormons conveyed in these works, which were written by persons, many of whom had never met a Mormon, was almost completely unfavorable. The men were ugly, dirty, lustful, and cruel. The women were ignorant, submissive, and shameful. The narratives featured episodes involving Danites, concubines, and consummate knavery. In all of these, the Mormons were portrayed as seething cauldrons of sexual passion, cruelty, and fanaticism. [Leonard J. Arrington, BYU Studies, Vol. 14, No. 2, p.143]

Prior to and concurrent with the publication of these accounts, however, were the scurrilous novels which drew suggestions from the first-hand accounts, but based their interpretations on anti-Mormon sentiments. The plots of the hundred or more anti-Mormon novels of the period revolve around a number of different motifs. There is the personal experience motif, in which a lovely and high-principled woman becomes associated in some way with the Mormons, and tells of her various experiences with the sect, all of which are designed to demonstrate that the Mormons were cruel, treacherous, and depraved. Or there is a flight-escape motif, in which the narrative features encounters with vengeful Danites, and thrilling escapes as the Destroying Angels pursue the pure-hearted heroine, in some cases across the seas. A third type is the loosely-drawn portrait of life in a polygamous household; polygamous husbands are shown to be materialistic, insensitive, and lecherous. In most treatments the Mormons are represented by two stereotypes: a hierarchy of wily, insincere leaders, and the rabble of ignorant, fanatical followers. The plots are designed to reveal numerous examples of cunning deceit and deluded obedience.

Several considerations help explain the preponderance of anti-Mormon sentiment in the nineteenth century novels: (a) There is a snobbishness involved: an easterner cuts down a westerner by trying to show the latter that he is uncivilized. Mormons were an ideal scapegoat. (b) People, writers included, tend to think in terms of stereotypes. Not knowing anything about the Mormons, and not really wanting to find out, they based their view about polygamy on the image of the similarly polygamous Turks, about whom much salacious literature was written. (c) The "facts" upon which views of the Mormons were based were presented by the enemies of the Church. Writers learned about the Mormons from Missourians, and Missourians based many of their stories on the alleged activities of the Danites--a small group of militants who were not even acknowledged by the Church. (d) Finally, much of the literature presented a pandering to a vitiated literary taste. [Leonard J. Arrington, BYU Studies, Vol. 14, No. 2, p.147]

RICHARD H. CRACROFT BYU STUDIES

This farcical jab at Brigham Young and his followers would return to haunt Ward, for in January 1864, he visited Great Salt Lake City, despite joshing warnings by Gentile friends that the Danites would get him. The Danites didn't get him, but the "Mountain Fever," a variety of typhoid fever, nearly did. On the evening following a real visit to President Young, Ward was felled with an attack of fever which nearly killed him, weakened as he was by excesses. Ironically, Ward, who had been reminded by Elder T. B. H. Stenhouse that Young had Ward's book in his library and that the humorist "ought not to have made ridicule of our Church," was nursed back to health by Mormon Relief Society women, and inquired after daily by Stenhouse who was sent by Brigham Young with gifts of wine and fruit. Ward would write to Twain on 21 January 1864, that "the saints have been wonderfully kind to me. I could not have been better or more tenderly nursed at home. God bless them all." (p. 158) [Richard H. Cracroft, BYU Studies, Vol. 14, No. 2, p.280]

STEPHEN C. LESUEUR BYU STUDIES

Stephen C. LeSueur; BYU Studies Vol. 26, No. 2, pg.9

During the remainder of the hearing, the prosecution called forty-one witnesses, twenty Missourians and twenty-one Mormons. At least eleven of the Mormons were men who had become disillusioned with Church policies. Many of them believed the Danites had exerted an oppressive and spiritually unhealthy influence within Mormonism. John Corrill, W. W. Phelps, and George Walter had openly quarreled with Church leaders about these issues. John Whitmer had been driven from Far West by the Danites. The testimonies of Corrill, Whitmer, and other dissenters reflected their disapproval of Mormon policies and activities.26 Most of the details and information provided by the dissenters supported Avard's testimony. Although they were less certain than Avard of the First Presidency's direct involvement with the Danites--they knew of only one or two meetings that Joseph Smith and his counselors attended--they believed Avard received his instructions from these men. John Corrill and Reed Peck reported that they were present when the Prophet blessed the Danite officers as Avard described. In addition, the dissenters gave corroborating testimony concerning other alleged Mormon activities and teachings:

(1) That in early June 1838 the Danites organized to expel a number of dissenters from Caldwell County. The dissenters' testimony described the various meetings and activities (such as Sidney Rigdon's "Salt Sermon") that led to the expulsion of the Cowderys, Whitmers, and others from the county.27

(2) That on 15 October 1838, after receiving reports that vigilantes intended to drive the Mormons from Daviess County, Joseph Smith and Sidney Rigdon rallied the Saints in Far West and declared their intention to defend their people. The dissenters testified that Joseph Smith proposed the confiscation of the property of those who refused to fight, and suggested that such people be put upon horses with bayonets and pitchforks and forced to ride in front of the troops. They also testified that Joseph Smith advised Mormon soldiers to live off the spoils of war during the expedition to Daviess.28

(3) That during the week of 16-22 October, Mormon soldiers patrolled Daviess County, driving settlers from their homes, plundering, and burning as they sought to rid the county of their enemies. The dissenters testified that these activities were carried out under the direction of Joseph Smith and other Mormon leaders. They also claimed that during the expedition to Daviess, Mormon leaders reorganized the militia in preparation for a general conflict with their Missouri neighbors.29

(4) That on 30 October, the day the state militia arrived outside Far West, Joseph Smith gathered Mormon soldiers and declared his intention to resist. George M. Hinkle testified that Smith said the troops organizing against the Saints were "a damned mob." Hinkle also testified that the Prophet declared the Mormons had tried to keep the law long enough, "but, as to keeping the law of Missouri any longer, he [Joseph Smith] did not intend to try to do so."30

In support of the charge of treason, the prosecution elicited information regarding Mormon beliefs and activities that indicated an intent to set themselves outside the law. George Hinkle, another surprise witness for the state, testified:

The general teachings of the presidency were, that the kingdom they were setting up was a temporal as well as a spiritual kingdom; that it was the little stone spoken of by Daniel. Until lately, the teachings of the church appeared to be peaceable, and that the kingdom was to be set up peaceably; but lately a different idea has been advanced--that the time had come when this kingdom was to be set up by forcible means, if necessary.31 Testimony by these witnesses that Mormon leaders were unwilling to submit to legal process during the disturbances--including Joseph Smith's instructions to the Caldwell County clerk not to issue "vexatious" lawsuits against Mormon leaders--added support to the prosecution's contention that the Mormons were engaged in some sort of plot to subvert the laws of the state.32 Stephen C. LeSueur; BYU Studies Vol. 26, No. 2, pg.11

The ten other Mormons who appeared as witnesses for the state were loyal Church members who testified reluctantly at the hearing. According to Mormon accounts, these men testified because Missouri officials threatened them with prosecution and imprisonment. Morris Phelps reported that he attempted to testify on behalf of the defendants, but was stopped by Judge King and the prosecuting attorney, who then filed charges against him for his participation in the Crooked River battle.33 Most of the Mormon witnesses, including Phelps, either emphasized their own nonparticipation in the alleged crimes or asserted that their leaders had forced them to take up arms. "I first refused to go," Phelps replied, when asked whether he participated in the Mormon attack at Crooked River, "but, being threatened with force, I consented to go."34 The brevity of their testimonies indicates that these witnesses were unwilling to provide as much information as Corrill, Hinkle, and the others. Nevertheless, their testimonies corroborated the dissenters' statements regarding Mormon activities and beliefs, and implicated many defendants in the alleged crimes.

Most of the twenty non-Mormons who testified gave descriptions of their encounters with Mormon troops. Some told of being captured; others reported that they were accosted and threatened by Mormons. Samuel Bogart and four of his men testified regarding their battle with Mormon soldiers at Crooked River. As transcribed for the court record, the Missourians' statements reveal no obvious prejudice or exaggeration. Joseph H. McGee's testimony represents a typical example:

On Thursday, the 18th day of October, I was at Mr. Worthington's, in Daviess county, when the Mormons made an attack upon Gallatin. Mr. Worthington had a pair of saddle-bags in my shop, (in Gallatin,) with notes and accounts in them; and he requested me to go up to the shop, and try to secure them. When I went up, the Mormons had broken open my shop, and taken them out; one of them had put the saddlebags on his horse, and I asked him for them. He answered, that he had authority from Captain Still to take them, and would not let me have them. He then told me I must go up to the store. I went along; and when I arrived there, Clark Hallett, one of the defendants, told him that he knew little Joe McGee [the witness]; that there was no harm in him, and to let him go. I was then turned loose. While at the store, I saw the Mormons taking the goods out of the store house, and packing many of the articles off on their horses; a number of barrels and boxes were rolled out before the door. When these men who had goods packed before them, rode off, I heard a man, who remained at the store, halloo to one of them to send four wagons. I went down to Mr. Worthington's; and, in returning towards the store again, a short time after, I saw the smoke and flames bursting from the roof of the store house, and three men coming out of the house, who immediately rode off. The balance of the company had just previously left, except two, who were at Mr. Yale's, a citizen there, guarding him. I heard Parley Pratt order the men to take out the goods before the house was set on fire. I also saw Joel S. Miles there in the Mormon company.35 Stephen C. LeSueur; BYU Studies Vol. 26, No. 2, pg.12

The statements by the non-Mormon witnesses are straightforward and concise, contain only eyewitness descriptions of their experiences, and present evidence generally consistent with other testimony and accounts of these events.

Following the examination of the state's witnesses, the Mormons presented their defense. The court record states that the defendants declined to make any statements but called seven witnesses on their behalf. Each witness testified regarding specific evidence against certain prisoners. Nancy Rigdon testified that her father, Sidney Rigdon, was not involved in the Crooked River battle. She also said that George W. Robinson did not have the clock he allegedly stole in Daviess County. Ezra Chipman, Delia F. Pine, and Malinda Porter testified that Lyman Wight did not steal a feather bed, as asserted by a previous witness. Another witness for the defense, Jonathan W. Barlow, reported that Joseph Smith and Lyman Wight did not participate in the Crooked River battle, but rode down to meet the Mormon troops after receiving word of the battle. Finally, Thoret Parsons and Arza Judd, Jr., testified that, prior to the Crooked River battle, Bogart's troops ordered them from Parsons' home in Caldwell County, and threatened to give Far West "thunder and lightning before the next day night." Very little testimony was given to explain why the Mormons organized their military operations, and nothing was said regarding the Danites. Instead, the defense witnesses attempted to refute a few specific allegations against some of the prisoners. Following their testimony, the prosecution called one more witness, Asa Cook, who denied that Bogart's troops had threatened Mormon settlers. This concluded the presentation of evidence by both sides.36

Based on the evidence presented at the hearing, Judge King found probable cause to order twenty-four defendants to stand trial on suspicion of committing arson, burglary, robbery, and larceny. These prisoners were allowed to post bail in amounts ranging from five hundred to one thousand dollars. King committed five prisoners to the Richmond jail on charges of murder for their alleged participation in the Crooked River battle. The six remaining prisoners, Joseph Smith, Hyrum Smith, Sidney Rigdon, Lyman Wight, Caleb Baldwin, and Alexander McRae, were committed to the jail in Liberty, Clay County, on charges of treason.37 Because their alleged crimes were capital offenses, Judge King allowed no bail for the prisoners charged with treason or murder. Grand jury trials for the defendants were scheduled for March 1839.

Some evidence was presented against each defendant charged by King. Several witnesses identified most of those charged as having participated in the alleged crimes. Contrary to the Mormons' expectations, twenty-nine prisoners were released due to insufficient evidence.38

The Mormons subsequently denounced both the hearing and Judge King's findings. The defendants argued that the prosecution's witnesses had testified falsely regarding Mormon military operations and regarding statements attributed to Mormon leaders. In addition, they argued that Missouri officials had prevented them from bringing witnesses or making an adequate defense. Finally, they pointed to the fact that Missouri officials made no attempt to investigate the activities of non-Mormon vigilantes as evidence of the prejudicial treatment they received from Missouri courts. Each of these three issues is discussed below. [Stephen C. LeSueur; BYU Studies Vol. 26, No. 2, pg.13]

DID THE PROSECUTION'S WITNESSES TESTIFY TRUTHFULLY?

Many of the Mormon complaints about the hearing emphasized the deficiencies in the moral character of the witnesses who testified against them. As earlier mentioned, Mormon leaders regarded Sampson Avard as a scoundrel and a liar who testified falsely to save his life. They similarly denounced the dissenters who testified at the hearing. Joseph Smith characterized George Hinkle, John Corrill, Reed Peck, and other witnesses as men "who are so very ignorant that they cannot appear respectable in any decent and civilized society, and whose eyes are full of adultery, and cannot cease from sin."39 Like Avard, these men reportedly testified to save their lives and to seek revenge against the church they had left. [Stephen C. LeSueur; BYU Studies Vol. 26, No. 2, pg.13]

While a variety of motives undoubtedly influenced the decision of these men to testify, the more important issue is whether their testimonies--or the alternative claims of Mormon leaders regarding Mormon activities in Missouri--are substantiated by other sources.

Mormon leaders asserted that their soldiers did not burn and plunder homes or commit other crimes in Daviess County, as testified by the prosecution witnesses. According to Hyrum Smith, the Missourians set fire to their own homes and then blamed the Mormons in order to inflame the excitement against them. He states:

Many people came to see. They saw the houses burning; and, being filled with prejudice, they could not be made to believe but that the "Mormons" set them on fire; which deed was most diabolical and of the blackest kind; for indeed the "Mormons" did not set them on fire, nor meddle with their houses or their fields.40

In addition, the Mormons said that their military operations in Daviess County were authorized by Generals Alexander W. Doniphan and Hiram G. Parks of the Missouri state militia.41 The generals reportedly mustered out the Daviess and Caldwell county militia units to which the Mormons belonged and ordered them to repel the vigilantes. The Mormons thus asserted that they acted in self-defense, under legitimate state authority, and committed no crimes.

Stephen C. LeSueur; BYU Studies Vol. 26, No. 2, pg.14

Evidence from the journals and reminiscences of loyal Mormons reveals, however, that Mormon soldiers did engage in burning and plundering in Daviess County. Oliver Huntington reported that Mormon soldiers, after burning Gallatin, returned to Adam-ondi-Ahman laden with goods, which they deposited at the bishop's storehouse:

The next day I went to Bishop Knights and saw the plunder, and O what lots, I thought; and heard them [the soldiers] tell, in what order they took the place . . . The store they burned, but the goods were preserved.42

Warren Foote, who lived in Caldwell County, said that "the mormons took their enimies corn, cattle, hogs &c according to the usages of war."43 These activities, carried out under the direction and approval of Mormon leaders, were deemed necessary for protection against anti-Mormon vigilantes. Benjamin F. Johnson, a Mormon soldier who participated in several raids, defended their actions:

Here let me say that it should not be supposed . . . that we were common robbers because we took by reprisal that with which to keep from starvation our women and children. Ours was a straggle for our lives and homes.44

These reminiscences from loyal Mormon sources corroborate the testimony given at the hearing regarding Mormon activities in Daviess county.45

The evidence also indicates that during the October expedition to Daviess County--where most of the Mormon military operations examined by the court took place--Mormon soldiers acted on their own and not under the authority of the state militia. When General Doniphan arrived in Far West on 15 October, he probably advised the Mormons to fight in self-defense (he sympathized with their plight); but, for a number of reasons, it is unlikely that he ordered Mormon soldiers to march to Daviess County. First, the Mormons planned and organized the expedition before Doniphan arrived in Far West. Moreover, the Caldwell County militia did not belong to his brigade; he had no official authority over them. Finally, General Doniphan did not have the authority--no one in Caldwell County had the authority--to order the Caldwell troops to Daviess County.46 Similarly, the evidence indicates that General Parks did not authorize the Mormon activities in Daviess County. He did not arrive at Adam-ondi-Ahman until after the Mormons had begun their raids, including the burning and sacking of Gallatin. Neither Doniphan nor Parks reported ordering the Mormons into the field. In fact, as a consequence of the Mormon activities in Daviess County, both generals called out their troops to halt the Mormon military operations.47 Stephen C. LeSueur; BYU Studies Vol. 26, No. 2, pg.15

The testimony regarding the Salt Sermon and the expulsion of dissenters from Caldwell County is similarly verified by Mormon sources. George W. Robinson, a Danite colonel and secretary to the First Presidency, described the incident in his contemporary account of these events:

I would mention or notice something about O. Cowdery David Whitmer Lyman E Johnson and John Whitmer. . . . Prest Rigdon preached one Sabbath upon the salt that had lost its savour, that it is henceforth good for nothing but to be cast out, and troden under foot of men, And the wicked flee when no man pursueth, These men took warning, and soon they were seen bounding over the prairie like the scape Goat to carry of[f] their own sins we hav[e] not seen them since, their influence is gone, and they are in a miserable condition, so also it [is] with all who turn from the truth to Lying Cheating defrauding & Swindeling.48

Ebenezer Robinson, who signed the letter ordering the dissenters to leave Caldwell, also left an account confirming the testimony presented at the Richmond hearing.49 None of the defendants specifically denied the testimony regarding this incident. The bulk of evidence suggests that the dissenters' testimony was true.

Mormon leaders made surprisingly few references to the Danites in their public petitions and statements regarding the Richmond hearing. Joseph Smith asserted that Sampson Avard "swore false" concerning the Danite constitution, but neither he nor the other defendants disputed the testimony describing the teachings and activities of the Danite organization.50 Evidence from Mormon sources, particularly Morris Phelps's "Reminiscences," corroborates the testimony about the group's teachings and goals.51 Contemporary Mormon accounts also reveal that the Danites played an active and influential role in Mormon affairs, such as the expulsion of dissenters from Caldwell County in June, the consecrating of property to the Church, the Fourth of July celebration at Far West, and the Mormon expedition to Daviess County after the Gallatin election battle.52 The group operated prominently in northern Missouri for nearly five months. Its teachings and activities were known to non-Mormons as well as to Latter-day Saints. The influential role of the Danites and the presence of Mormon leaders within the organization lend support to the witnesses' testimony that the First Presidency approved of and encouraged the group's activities. There remains a question, however, regarding the extent to which Joseph Smith actively directed the Danites. In a letter to the Saints, Joseph Smith asserted that Avard taught "many false and pernicious things" of which the First Presidency was not aware.53 In addition, nearly all Mormons claimed that Avard--and not Joseph Smith--directed the Danite organization. Their assertions contradict Avard's testimony, but not the testimony of other witnesses for the prosecution. Although Corrill, Peck, and other witnesses believed that Avard received his instructions from Joseph Smith, none of them claimed to have firsthand knowledge of this fact. They all affirmed that Avard was the teacher and active agent of the society."54 The evidence thus corroborates most of the testimony regarding the Danites. Only Avard's assertions that the First Presidency wrote the Danite constitution and directed the organization's activities remain in doubt. Stephen C. LeSueur; BYU Studies Vol. 26, No. 2, pg.16

Joseph Smith's role in directing Mormon activities represented a central element of the prosecution's case. The charge of treason against the Prophet rested on the assertion that he directed not only the Danite organization, but also Mormon military operations in Daviess and Caldwell counties.

Mormon leaders denied the testimony placing Joseph Smith at the head of Mormon troops. Brigham Young stated that Joseph Smith "was in no way connected with the Militia of that state [Missouri], neither did he bear arms at all, nor give advice."55 Hyrum Smith asserted that his brother "never bore arms, as a military man, in any capacity whatever, whilst in the state of Missouri, or previous to that time; neither has he given any orders or assumed any command in any capacity whatever."56 Parley P. Pratt further contended that the Prophet never bore arms or did military duty, not even in self-defense."57 The testimony that Joseph Smith played a leading role in Mormon military operations, these men asserted, was false.

Evidence from Mormon journals and reminiscences, however, contradicts these statements. Albert P. Rockwood reported that, following the Gallatin election battle, "Joseph Smith & Lyman White were at the head of the company (Army of Israel) that went up to the relief of the Brethren in Davis [sic] Co."58 Many Mormons reported that the Prophet organized and led the Mormon troops when the Missouri militia first appeared outside Far West.59 On another occasion, Joseph Smith countermanded an order by state militia Colonel George Hinkle, directing a group of Mormon soldiers to ride to Haun's Mill. James H. Rollins states that Joseph Smith "told us that we were his men, and that we must not go[;] if we did go against his will we would not be one of us left to tell the tale tomorrow morning."60 All Mormons recognized the Prophet's leading role in temporal as well as spiritual affairs. Shortly after the Mormon expedition to Daviess County, Rockwood wrote: You may ask if the Prophet goes out with the Saints to Battle? I answer he is a Prophet to go before the people as in times of old. . . . Bro. Joseph has unsheathed his sword & in the name of Jesus declares that it shall not be sheathed again until he can go into any country or state in safety and peace.61 Stephen C. LeSueur; BYU Studies Vol. 26, No. 2, pg.17

Evidence from loyal Mormon sources thus confirms the testimony that Joseph Smith actively directed many of the Mormon military operations.

Related to the issue of Joseph Smith's leadership role among the Saints is the testimony regarding his alleged disregard for the law. Again, Mormon sources confirm many of the witnesses' reports of various statements and speeches by the Prophet. Warren Foote stated that, prior to the march of Mormon troops to Daviess County, Joseph Smith said "that those who would not turn out to help to suppress the mob should have their property taken to support those who would."62 Regarding "vexatious law suits," Mormon leaders denounced such proceedings in "The Political Motto of the Church of latter-day Saints" and at the Fourth of July celebration, where they publicly warned that they would allow no one to initiate vexatious lawsuits against them.63 Similarly, the Mormons made no secret of their belief that they were establishing a temporal kingdom of God, which, as Daniel prophesied, would eventually destroy all other earthly kingdoms. "The Prophet Joseph laid the foundation of our Church in a Military Spirit," wrote Benjamin E Johnson of Mormonism's early years, "and as the Master taught his disiples So he taught Us to 'Sell our Coats and Buy Swords."64 It was this spirit the witnesses testified of.

When the testimony of the Mormon defense witnesses is compared with evidence from other sources, one glaring inconsistency arises. Numerous prosecution witnesses testified that Lyman Wight led a company of Mormon troops to Millport. Several witnesses stated that they saw Wight near the town shortly after it was burned. In rebuttal, three defense witnesses testified that Wight did not leave Adam-ondi-Ahman during the period in question. In a petition written while he was in Liberty Jail, Wight insisted that he never left his house.65 In affidavits filed in 1843, however, both Hyrum Smith and Lyman Wight stated that Wight commanded Mormon troops in expeditions against the vigilantes.66 Wight reported that he led a company of sixty men to Millport. The 1843 affidavits confirm the testimony of the prosecution's witnesses.

Source materials for this period do not provide the necessary detail to examine each accusation against the defendants. The evidence that is available, however, substantiates most of the testimony by the prosecution's witnesses regarding key issues and events, such as the Salt Sermon and expulsion of dissenters from Far West, the teachings and activities of the Danite band, the burning and plundering committed by Mormon soldiers in Daviess County, and Joseph Smith's leading role in the Mormon military organizations.

CONDUCT OF THE TRIAL

The Mormon defendants charged that Missouri officials conspired to prevent them from presenting an adequate defense at the hearing. According to many accounts, Captain Bogart and his men cast into prison nearly forty defense witnesses and drove the rest from the state. Many defendants reported that neither they nor their witnesses were allowed to testify. Several also stated that they were prevented from getting legal counsel. In addition, Judge King and other local officials allegedly threatened Mormon witnesses and forced them to testify at the point of bayonet. The frightened and intimidated witnesses then testified falsely to save their own lives. According to these accounts, he Richmond hearing was a cynical pretense of justice in which Missouri officials deliberately violated standard legal procedures in order to charge the Mormon defendants--people they knew were innocent of any wrongdoing--with all manner of crimes. Had proper legal procedures been followed, these Mormons argued, they could have disproved the testimony against them. Stephen C. LeSueur; BYU Studies Vol. 26, No. 2, pg.18

Evidence from Mormon sources supports the claim that Mormon witnesses were intimidated at the Richmond hearing. Missouri officials apparently threatened to prosecute witnesses who refused to cooperate with the investigation. Morris Phelps, a witness and defendant, reported that he was prosecuted because of his reluctance to testify against the other prisoners.67

ILLINOIS PERIOD ~ DANITES

1839-1845

The transition years from Far West to the exodus to Nauvoo were fraught with terror for many. As soon as it was evident "God" was not delivering victory to Joseph Smith's Missouri plans of 1838 we see how loyal Danites began moving north.

We see most of the Church leaders being arrested by the United States government. A trail is put together and we read the testimonies of those who turned states evidence against their brother Danites, Joseph Smith and the Church itself by revealing his early involvement. Joseph Smith was arrested, tried and convicted. He began serving his sentence in Liberty Jail in Missouri until he was able to escape through bribing his guards. As a fugitive from justice he moved to Nauvoo Illinois on May 10, 1839.

During this period the need for "Danite" style security was even more in need. This expansion was seen in the charter Joseph Smith was able to obtain for his new city of Nauvoo which included a police force and militia called the Nauvoo Legion. There were many officers involved in these forces which enabled his security needs to be accomplished. As we examine the history and development of the way justice was administered in the Nauvoo period we see evidence that "Danite' methods were employed when needed.

NAUVOO CITY ORGANIZATION

They were given a very liberal charter by their new governor and legislators in Illinois. John C. Bennett was elected mayor. Alderman were William Marks, Samuel Smith, Newel K. Whitney, and Daniel H. Wells. Councilors were Joseph Smith, Hyrum Smith, Sidney Rigdon, Charles C. Rich, John T. Barnett, Wilson Law, John P. Greene, Don Carlos Smith, and Vinson Knight. Marshall was Henry G. Sherwood. Joseph Smith was elected lieutenant general of the Nauvoo Legion.

LIMITATION ON RELIGIOUS SPEECH IN NAUVOO

Joseph Fielding Smith, church historian wrote this about early legal language in Nauvoo. "Should any person be guilty of ridiculing and abusing, or otherwise deprecating another, in consequence of his religion, or of disturbing or interrupting any religious meeting within the limits of this city, he shall, on conviction before the mayor or municipal court, be considered a disturber of the public peace, and fined in any sum not to exceed five hundred dollars, or imprisoned not exceeding six months."

ASSASSINATION ATTEMPT ON GOVERNOR BOGGS

On May 6, 1842 was shot while sitting at his residence in Independence Missouri. After Boggs survived the shooting he went before Samuel Weston, justice of the peace in Independence and charged Orrin Porter Rockwell with the crime.

ORRIN PORTER ROCKWELL ~ DANITE

ORRIN PORTER ROCKWELL & MORMONISM

Rockwell was present at the organization of the church from April 1830. [History of the Church, Vol.1, Ch.8, p.79] Rockwell was employed by Joseph Smith as head of his security staff. Rockwell had been involved with the Missouri Danites in 1838. He was also active in the security needs of the Utah Church for Brigham Young.

Orrin Porter Rockwell (1813-78). A colorful personality baptized in 1830, Rockwell was charged by Missourians with assault with intent to kill ex-Governor Lilburn W. Boggs. He remained a close friend of the Prophet. [Ehat & Cook, Words, 7 October 1843 Note, p.310]

ROCKWELL BEFORE THE BOOK OF MORMON TRANSLATED

"Sometimes I take the liberty of talking a little further with regard to such things. Orin P. Rockwell is an eye-witness to some powers of removing the treasures of the earth. He was with certain parties that lived near by where the plates were found that contain the records of the Book of Mormon. There were a great many treasures hid up by the Nephites. Porter was with them one night where there were treasures, and they could find them easy enough, but they could not obtain them." [Journal of Discourses, Vol.19, p.38, Brigham Young, June 17, 1877]

ROCKWELL IN FAR WEST

The mayor suggested the propriety, since Rockwell and others are clear, and we have the promise of protection from the governor; and as the police are now well organized, that they put up their guns and that the council pass such an order. The Danite system alluded to by Norton never had any existence. It was a term made use of by some of the brethren in Far West, and grew out of an expression I made use of when the brethren were preparing to defend themselves from the Missouri mob, in reference to the stealing of Macaiah's images (Judges chapter 18)--If the enemy comes, the Danites will be after them, meaning the brethren in self-defense. [History of the Church, Vol.6, Ch.7, p.165]

ROCKWELL INDICTED MURDER OF SHERIFF OF PEORIA

Subsequently Sheriff Backenstos and Orrin P. Rockwell were indicted and later placed on trial for the "murder" of Worrell; the sheriff at Peoria, and Rockwell at Galena, each having taken a change of venue; both were acquitted. Gregg says concerning the killing of Worrell: "Who was the actually guilty party may never be known." There certainly was no occasion for keeping the matter secret, since the killing was altogether justifiable, under the circumstances, and it became a matter of common knowledge both in Nauvoo and Utah that it was Orrin Porter Rockwell--acting under orders of Sheriff Backenstos--and John Redder, who saved the officer's life. [B. H. Roberts, Comprehensive History of the Church, Vol.2, Ch.67, p.482]

ROCKWELL SUPPORTED IN NAUVOO

The High Council at Nauvoo voted that Bishop Knight provide for the families of Joseph Smith, Jun., Sidney Rigdon, and Orrin Porter Rockwell, during their absence at Washington. [History of the Church, Vol.4, Ch.3, p.46]

SIR:--At the request of Orrin Porter Rockwell, who is now confined in our jail, I write you a few lines concerning his affairs. He is held to bail in the sum of $5,000, and wishes some of his friends to bail him out. He also wishes some friend to bring his clothes to him. He is in good health and pretty good spirits. My own opinion is, after conversing with several persons here, that it would not be safe for any of Mr. Rockwell's friends to come here, notwithstanding I have written the above at his request; neither do I think bail would be taken (unless it was some responsible person well known here as a resident of this state). [History of the Church, Vol.5, Ch.18, p.352]

ROCKWELL APPEAL TO WASHINGTON D.C.1839-1840

Tuesday, 29.--I left Nauvoo accompanied by Sidney Rigdon, Elias Higbee, and Orrin P. Rockwell, in a two-horse carriage for the city of Washington, to lay before the Congress of the United States, the grievances of the Saints while in Missouri. We passed through Carthage, and stayed at Judge Higbee's over night, and the next day we arrived at Quincy. [History of the Church, Vol.4, Ch.2, p.19]

ROCKWELL ASSASSINATION ATTEMPT ON BOGGS

"During the summer and fall of 1842, the Prophet Joseph Smith was forced to go into hiding because of the attempt on the part of Missouri mobocrats to get him in their clutches. He had been accused by ex-governor Boggs as being an accessory and Orrin Porter Rockwell as the principal in the shooting of Boggs, May 6, 1842. This was a conspiracy to get the Prophet back into the hands of the Missourian mobbers. Governor Carlin of Illinois, had joined in this conspiracy contrary to every principle of correct law, as it was later shown in the trial which was held in Springfield, and recorded in Lesson 139. From his place of concealment the Prophet wrote these two letters (Sections 127 and 128 in the Doctrine and Covenants) by revelation to the Church. He encouraged the saints to continue in the great labor which had been assigned them in the revelation of January 19, 1841, and then he gave them further light [page 135] in relation to the baptism for the dead. It should be remembered that the privilege of baptizing individuals for the dead in the Mississippi River had been withdrawn by command of the Lord. This privilege had been granted for a season after this principle had been made known when due to the poverty of the people, there was no Temple in which this ordinance could be performed In November, 1841, baptism in a font were commenced for a font had been dedicated in the House of the Lord, for that purpose. The Prophet was very anxious that this work should continue and the Lord had made it known that recorders who were eye-witnesses must record all ordinances of this kind. The reason the Prophet did not speak also of endowments and sealings at this time was due, most likely, to the fact that while in exile he gave counsel and direction only in relation to that which the saints at that time could perform. The Temple had not been completed, but the basement had been enclosed where the font was placed and dedicated. The members of the Church could not, there was no place for carrying it on even if this instruction had been given. Before the Temple at Nauvoo was prepared for it, only a few of the leading brethren, with their wives, had received the ordinance of the endowment. After the Temple was built many of the members of the Church entered it and were endowed and sealed before they were driven from Nauvoo. [Joseph Fielding Smith, Church History and Modern Revelation, Vol 4, p.134]

EVIDENCE SMITH ORDERED THE BOGGS ATTACK

But as to William Law himself: If the statement made by him in the affidavit of 1885, and that of the Wyl interview of 1887, viz., that Joseph Smith told him [William Law] that he had sent Rockwell to Missouri to kill Boggs, then why is it that William Law remained silent so long upon this important incident? William Law was President Smith's counselor during the time that this case in relation to the attempt on the life of Boggs was before the courts of the country. [B. H. Roberts, Comprehensive History of the Church, Vol.2, Ch.49, p.164 - p.165]

JOSEPH SMITH RECEIVED A REVELATION FOR ROCKWELL

I prophesied, in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ, that Orrin Porter Rockwell would get away honorably from the Missourians. (March 15, 1843.) DHC 5:305. [Teachings of the Prophet Joseph Smith, Section Six 1843–44, p.285]

RIOT ~ PRESS BURNING NAUVOO TROUBLE

SMITH AND ROCKWELL

History of the Church, Vol.6, Ch.22, p.488

State of Illinois v. Joseph Smith, Samuel Bennett, John Taylor, William W. Phelps, Hyrum Smith. John P. Greene, Stephen Perry, Dimick B. Huntington, Jonathan Dunham, Stephen Markham, Jonathan H. Holmes, Jesse P. Harmon, John Lytle, Joseph W. Coolidge, R. David Redfield, Orrin Porter Rockwell and Levi Richards.

Defendants were brought before the court by Joel S. Miles, constable of the county aforesaid, by virtue of a warrant issued by the court on complaint of W. G. Ware, for a "riot committed in the city of Nauvoo, county aforesaid, on or before the 10th day of June, 1844, by forcibly entering a brick building in said city, occupied as a printing office and taking therefrom by force, and with force of arms, a printing-press, types and paper, together with other property, belonging to William Law, Wilson Law, Robert D. Foster, Charles A. Foster, Francis M. Higbee, Chauncey L. Higbee and Charles Ivins, and breaking in pieces and burning the same in the streets. [History of the Church, Vol.6, Ch.22, p.488]

George P. Stiles, Esq., appeared as counsel for the defense, and Edward Bonny, Esq., for the prosecution. W. G. Ware sworn. Said he was present when the City Council passed an order for the destruction of the press. Went up to the Temple and heard the Marshal read the order of the Mayor. Did not know how they got into the building. The press was taken out and destroyed. [History of the Church, Vol.6, Ch.22, p.488]

JOSEPH SMITH CHARACTERIZED ROCKWELL

There is a numerous host of faithful souls, whose names I could wish to record in the Book of the Law of the Lord; but time and chance would fail. I will mention, therefore, only a few of them as emblematical of those who are too numerous to be written. But there is one man I would mention, namely Orrin Porter Rockwell, who is now a fellow-wanderer with myself, an exile from his home, because of the murderous deeds, and infernal, fiendish dispositions of the indefatigable and unrelenting hand of the Missourians. He is an innocent and a noble boy. May God Almighty deliver him from the hands of his pursuers. He was an innocent and a noble child and my soul loves him. Let this be recorded for ever and ever. Let the blessings of salvation and honor be his portion. [History of the Church, Vol.5, ch.6, p.125]

ROCKWELL BEFORE SMITH DEATH

Joseph said to Rockwell, "What shall I do?" Rockwell replied, "You are the oldest and ought to know best; and as you make your bed, I will lie with you." [Teachings of the Prophet Joseph Smith, Section Six 1843–44, p.377]

JOSEPH'S PLAN TO GO WEST WITH ROCKWELL

"While this expedition was preparing for the journey to the west, the difficulties arose in Nauvoo which culminated in the seizure of the Prophet and his brother Hyrum, and their imprisonment in Carthage, Illinois, in June. Before the Prophet surrendered and yielded to the demands of his accusers and the leaders of what later became the mob which took his life, he crossed the Mississippi River at Nauvoo, with his brother Hyrum, Porter Rockwell, and Willard Richards, with the intention of preceding the exploring company to the west. This action was taken on the grounds that it was Joseph Smith whose blood the mob desired, and if he were out of the way, peace would be restored." [Joseph Fielding Smith Jr., Doctrines of Salvation, Vol.3, p.334]

"About midnight, Joseph, Hyrum, and Dr. Richards called for Orrin P. Rockwell at his lodgings, and all went up the river bank until they found Aaron Johnson's boat, which they got into and started about 2 a.m, to cross the Mississippi River. Orrin P. Rockwell rowed the skiff, which was very leaky, so that it kept Joseph, Hyrum, and the doctor busy bailing out the water with their boots and shoes to prevent it from sinking. [Joseph Fielding Smith Jr., Doctrines of Salvation, Vol.3, p.335]

SMITH'S DEATH ENDED PLANS WITH ROCKWELL

"Sunday 23rd—At daybreak arrived on the Iowa side of the river. Sent Orrin P. Rockwell back to Nauvoo with instructions to return next night with horses for Joseph and Hyrum, pass them over the river in the night secretly, and be ready to start for the Great Basin in the Rocky Mountains…. [Joseph Fielding Smith Jr., Doctrines of Salvation, Vol.3, p.335]

"At 1 p.m. (Sunday 23rd) Orrin P. Rockwell returned from Nauvoo with a petition from some of the citizens requesting him to come back. It was said that these were saying that it was like the fable, when the wolves come the shepherd ran from the flock and left the sheep to be devoured." [Joseph Fielding Smith Jr., Doctrines of Salvation, Vol.3, p.336]

Monday, May 20, 1844 "The Prophet instructed Orrin P. Rockwell and Aaron Johnson to return to Carthage the next day and have Foster arrested for perjury. Obedient to this call they returned, but before they arrived the grand jury had risen. It was also reported by the brethren that there were complaints out for John D. Parker, Brigham Young, Heber C. Kimball and William Clayton. The Prophet spent the next few days keeping out of the way of the officers from Carthage." [Joseph Fielding Smith, Church History and Modern Revelation, Vol 4, p.186]

At one p.m. Emma Smith sent Orrin P. Rockwell to entreat the Prophet to return. Turning to Rockwell he said: "What shall I do?" Rockwell answered, "You are the oldest and ought to know best; and as you make your bed, I will lie with you." [Joseph Fielding Smith, Church History and Modern Revelation, Vol 4, p.193]

"About 4 p. m. Joseph, Hyrum, the Doctor and others started back. While walking towards the river Joseph fell behind with Orrin P. Rockwell. The other shouted to come on. Joseph replied, "It is of no use to hurry, for we are going back to be slaughtered," and continually expressed himself that he would like to get the people once more together, and talk to them tonight. Rockwell said if that was his wish he would get the people together, and he could talk to them by starlight." [History of the Church, Vol.6, Ch.29, p.551]

"Joseph also sent a message to Orrin P. Rockwell not to come to Carthage, but to stay in Nauvoo, and not to suffer himself to be delivered into the hands of his enemies, or to be taken a prisoner by any one." [History of the Church, Vol.6, Ch.30, p.565]

AFFIDAVIT ORRIN P. ROCKWELL GOV. FORD IN NAUVOO

"Personally appeared before me, Thomas Bullock, County Recorder in and for Great Salt Lake County, in the Territory of Utah, Orrin P. Rockwell, who being first duly sworn, deposeth and saith that about the hour of 3 o'clock in the afternoon of the 27th day of June, one thousand eight hundred forty-four, a short time only before Governor Ford addressed the citizens of Nauvoo, he (Ford) and his suit occupied an upper room in the mansion of Joseph Smith, in the city of Nauvoo, when he, the said Rockwell, had of necessity to enter said upper room for his hat, and as he entered the door, all were sitting silent except one man, who was standing behind a chair making a speech, and while in the act of dropping his right hand from an uplifted position, said. "The deed is done before this time," which were the only words I heard while in the room, for on seeing me they all hushed in silence. At that time I could not comprehend the meaning of the words, but in a few hours after I understood them as referring to the murder of Joseph and Hyrum Smith in Carthage jail." [History of the Church, Vol.6, Ch.31, p.588]

"Orrin P. Rockwell met F. M. Higbee about 4 p. m. and accused him of seeking Joseph's life. Higbee made use of some very insulting language in reply, when a scuffle ensued, during which a letter dropped out of Higbee's hat, which stated that there were seventy of the mob ready in Iowa to come upon Nauvoo tonight." [History of the Church, Vol.7, Ch.11, p.130]

ROCKWELL'S ESCAPE

Monday, 23.----The sheriff came in with writs for a number of brethren and succeeded in arresting O. P. Rockwell and J. P. Harmon, but Rockwell got away from him. A constable from Le Harpe came in with writs for Brother Taylor, myself and others, but we kept out of the way. [History of the Church, Vol.7, Ch.31, p.428]

HISTORY OF THE CHURCH

ILLINOIS PERIOD

AFFIDAVIT OF DANIEL H. WELLS ANENT JOHN C. BENNETT.

STATE OF ILLINOIS, COUNTY OF HANCOCK.

History of the Church, Vol.5, Ch.4, p.80

I hereby certify that on the 17th day of May last, John C. Bennett subscribed and swore to the affidavit over my signature of that date and published in the Wasp, after writing the same in my presence, in the office where I was employed in taking depositions of witnesses. The door of the room was open and free for all, or any person to pass or repass. After signing and being qualified to the affidavit aforesaid, he requested to sneak to me at the door. I followed him out; he told me some persons had been lying about him, and showed me a writing granting him the privilege to withdraw from the Church, and remarked that the matter was perfectly understood between him and the heads of the Church; and that he had resigned the mayor's office, and should resign the office he held in the Legion; but as there was a court-martial to be held in a few days Joseph Smith desired that he would wait until that was over. History of the Church, Vol.5, Ch.4, p.81

I was in the city council on the 19th day of May last. I there heard him say what has been published concerning the teachings of Joseph Smith, and of his own course. I afterwards met him in company with Colonel Francis M. Higbee. He then stated that he was going to be the candidate, (meaning the candidate for the legislature) and Joseph and Hyrum Smith were going in for him. Said' "You know it will be better for me not to be bothered with the mayor's office, Legion, `Mormon,' or anything else."

During all this time, if he was under duress or fear, he must have a good faculty for concealing it, for he was at liberty to go and come when and where he pleased, so far as I am capable of judging.

I know that I saw him in different parts of the city even after he had made these statements, transacting business as usual, and said he was going to complete some business pertaining to the mayor's office; and I think did attend to work on the streets.

I was always personally friendly with him, after I became acquainted with him. I never heard him say anything derogatory to the character of Joseph Smith, until after he had been exposed by said Smith, on the public stand in Nauvoo. DANIEL H. WELLS. July 22nd, A. D. 1842.

Sworn to and subscribed before me, a justice of the peace, in and for the city of Nauvoo, in said county, this 22nd day of July, 1842. GUSTAVUS HILLS, [L. S.] J. P. and Alderman.

Times and Seasons Editor's Note.--"Daniel H. Wells, Esq., is an old resident in this place, and not a Mormon."

Sunday, 24.--This morning at home sick. Attended meeting at the Grove in the afternoon, and spoke of Brother Miller's having returned with the good news that Bennett would not be able to accomplish his designs.

Tuesday, 26.--Sick this morning. Rode to my farm in the afternoon.

Wednesday, 27--Attended meeting at the Grove and listened to the electioneering candidates, and spoke at the close of the meeting.

Letter or Governor Carlin to Joseph Smith,

Anent the Foregoing Resolution and Petition.

History of the Church, Vol.5, Ch.4, p.82

QUINCY, July 27, 1842.

DEAR SIR:--Your communication of the 25th instant, together with the petitions of the citizens of the city of Nauvoo, both male and female, were delivered to me last evening by Brevet-Major-General Wilson Law; also a report of James Sloan, Esq., Secretary of Nauvoo Legion, of the proceedings of a Court Martial of Brevet-Major-General had upon charges preferred against Major-General John C. Bennett; upon which trial the court found the defendant guilty, and sentenced him to be cashiered; all of which have been considered.

In reply to your expressed apprehensions of "the possibility of an attack upon the peaceable inhabitants of the city of Nauvoo and vicinity, through the intrigues and false representations of John C. Bennett and others," and your request that I would issue official orders to you to have the Nauvoo Legion in readiness to be called out at a moment's warning in defense of the peaceable citizens, &c., I must say that I cannot conceive of the least probability, or scarcely possibility, of an attack of violence upon the citizens of Nauvoo from any quarter whatever, and as utterly impossible that such attack is contemplated by any sufficient number of persons to excite the least apprehension of danger or injury, and whilst I should consider it my imperative duty to promptly take measures to suppress and repel any invasion, by violence of the people's rights, I nevertheless think that it is not in my province to interpose my official authority gratuitously when no such exigency exists. History of the Church, Vol.5, Ch.4, p.83

From the late exposure, as made by General Bennett it is not strange that the apprehensions of the citizens of Nauvoo are excited, but so far as I can learn from the expression of public opinion, the excitement is confined to the Mormons themselves, and only extends to the community at large as a matter of curiosity and wonder.

Very respectfully, Your obedient servant,

THOMAS CARLIN To General Joseph Smith.

ROCKWELL IMPORTANT IN BOTH ILLINOIS AND UTAH PERIODS

Gregg says concerning the killing of Worrell: "Who was the actually guilty party may never be known." There certainly was no occasion for keeping the matter secret, since the killing was altogether justifiable, under the circumstances, and it became a matter of common knowledge both in Nauvoo and Utah that it was Orrin Porter Rockwell--acting under orders of Sheriff Backenstos--and John Redder, who saved the officer's life. [B. H. Roberts, Comprehensive History of the Church, Vol.2, Ch.67, p.482]

UTAH ~ DANITES

DANITES ACTIVE IN UTAH

"Third, that the Mormon government, with Brigham Young at its head, is now forming alliance with Indian tribes in Utah and adjoining territories--stimulating the Indians to acts of hostility and organizing bands of his own followers under the name of Danites or destroying angels, to prosecute a system of robbery and murders upon American citizens who support the authority of the United States, and denounce the infamous and disgusting practices and institutions of the Mormon government " [History of the Church, Vol.5, Ch.20, p.396]

ROCKWELL TRADING WITH INDIANS 1847

Oct. 11, Salt Lake City,—After some discussion, Porter Rockwell was given permission to start trading with the Indians. This had been a matter of concern for the high council and several plans for trading were considered. [The Church News, Conference Issues 1970-1987, p.2]

ROCKWELL WITH GENERAL CONNOR'S INDIAN CAMPAIGN

The brief campaign of Colonel-now General-Connor against the northern Indians on Bear river was a very great service to the people of Utah, and to the immigrants on the northern overland routes to Oregon and California; and for it Connor was fully entitled to the promotion he received. For some time the Bannock and Snake tribes had been the terror of the north and central routes to California, and a menace to the settlements in Cache and other northern valleys of Utah. Connor's force found the Indians encamped in a ravine leading up from Bear river through an ascending plain towards the mountains, at a point about fifteen or eighteen miles from the town of Franklin, now in Idaho, then in Washington territory. Here in a four hours' fierce engagement, during which the Indians fought most desperately, a decisive victory over the savages was won; from two hundred and fifty to three hundred of them being slain, mainly warriors, Chiefs Bear Hunter and Lehi being among the number… a prominent "Mormon," Porter Rockwell, was Connor's chief guide on this expedition. [B. H. Roberts, Comprehensive History of the Church, Vol.5, Ch.122, p.31 - p.32, 35]

ROCKWELL 1849 WITH BRIGHAM YOUNG

This document and the one following under the same date are the earliest documents located which carry the signature of the new First Presidency. They are the instructions and authority of Elder Amasa Lyman of the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles to carry the First General Epistle of the First Presidency of the Church to the Saints in Western California and to Orrin P. Rockwell to accompany him. … To gather and bring Tithing and Donations to this place; To Counsel the Saints by the way, going and returning, and to do all other acts and things necessary to be done, in the Church, pertaining to his Apostleship, not neglecting to preach the Gospel as he has opportunity, and to be assisted in all things as he shall have need by Elder Orrin P. Rockwell, who accompanied him on his Mission; [James R. Clark, Messages of the First Presidency, Vol.1, p.348]

NOVEMBER 1850 ROCKWELL BROUGHT 50 CALIFORNIANS INTO SALT LAKE

Apostle Charles C. Rich, O. Porter Rockwell and about fifty other brethren arrived in G.S.L. City from California. [Andrew Jenson, Church Chronology, November 12, 1850 (Tuesday)]

ROCKWELL WITH BRIGHAM IN 1857

On the 24th of July last, a number of us went to Big Cottonwood Kanyon, to pass the anniversary of our arrival into this Valley. Ten years ago the 24th of July last, a few of the Elders arrived here, and began to plough and to pant seeds, to raise food to sustain themselves. Whist speaking to the brethren on that day, I said, inadvertently, If the people of the United States will let us alone for ten years, we will ask no odds of them; and ten years from that very day, we had a message by brothers Smoot, Stoddard, and Rockwell, that the Government had stopped the mail, and that they had ordered 2,500 troops to come here and hold the "Mormons" still, while priests, politicians, speculators, whoremongers, and every mean, filthy character that could be raked up should come here and kill off the "Mormons," [Journal of Discourses, Vol.5, p.227 - p.228, Brigham Young, September 13, 1857]

ROCKWELL UTAH WAR 1857

The first known steps in forming the "Expedition" were taken by the federal government on the 28th of May, 1857, when orders were issued from the war department for the gathering of "a body of troops at Fort Leavenworth, to march thence to Utah as soon as assembled," and giving directions for their equipment and general movements. At Fort Laramie Mr. Little met Abraham O. Smoot, Esq., then the mayor of Salt Lake City, going east with the Utah June mail. About a hundred and twenty miles east of Fort Laramie the western-moving Smoot party met O. P. Rockwell with the Utah July mail. The information he received from the Smoot party led Rockwell to decide to proceed no further eastward, but return with the west-bound company. "About noon" Messrs. Smoot, Stoddard and Rockwell, these men with the "war news," quietly to President Young and his immediate counselors and associates. [B. H. Roberts, Comprehensive History of the Church, Vol.4, Ch.104, p.234 - p.235 - p.236]

NAUVOO LEGION RECALLED

A council of war was held by the Nauvoo Legion officers at Fort Bridger on the afternoon of the 3rd of October. It was decided in the council to begin active operations against the "Expedition." Major McAllister was on the Oregon road watching the movement of the troops from that point; O. P. Rockwell was sent to his assistance and with orders to burn the grass on all routes to Salt Lake valley, beginning with the road via Soda Springs. Colonel Burton, whose command was then encamped at Fort Supply was to break encampment and cooperate in these maneuvers, annoying the "Expedition" in all the ways in his power "without risking his men." [B. H. Roberts, Comprehensive History of the Church, Vol.4, Ch.107, p.278]

We were soon overtaken, but found that instead of troops, the early risers were O. P. Rockwell and Thomas Rich with about thirty men. With these we felt ready to proceed on up the river to Ham's fork and reconnoitre the situation of the army and see what the troops were doing. [Lot Smith, "The Contributor", Nov. 1882, vol. 4, pp. 47-50, Lot Smith's Story, p.15]

ROCKWELL THREAT OF DEATH TAKEN SERIOUSLY

Rockwell told Roupe to tell the Colonel when he got to camp that we had commenced in earnest, and would kill every man in his custody at that time. The guards then started for camp. They were the worst frightened men I ever saw. They ran the three teams until some of the cattle dropped dead, but they never stopped until they got within the lines. [Lot Smith, "The Contributor", Nov. 1882, vol. 4, pp. 47-50, Lot Smith's Story, p.17]

ROCKWELL SPECIAL OPERATIONS

Use every exertion to stampede their animals and set fire to their trains. Burn the whole country before them, and on their flanks. Keep them from sleeping by night surprises; blockade the road by felling trees or destroying the river fords where you can. Watch for opportunities to set fire to the grass before them that can be burned. Keep your men concealed as much as possible, and guard against surprise. Keep scouts out at all times, and communications open with Colonel Burton, Major McAllister and O. P. Rockwell, who are operating in the same way. Keep me advised daily of your movements, and every step the troops take, and in which direction. [B. H. Roberts, Comprehensive History of the Church, Vol.4, Ch.107, p.279 - p.280]

MEETINGS WITH BRIGHAM YOUNG

That morning when on his way to the meeting President Young had met Porter Rockwell, who had just arrived as an express from Echo canon, with the word that General Johnston "had given orders to his army to march on Monday"--14th of June--for Salt Lake City. [B. H. Roberts, Comprehensive History of the Church, Vol.4, Ch.114, p.420]

SPOILS OF WAR

After Rockwell went into the valley with the cattle we had taken, I returned to the vicinity of the last camp of the army on Ham's Fork. As it was getting late in the season and no intention to retreat being manifested by the army, it appeared to me that something ought to be done to show them that we were at least determined that they should go no farther, and that their present location was too near our forces to be pleasant. ["The Contributor", Feb. 1883, vol. 4, pp. 167-169, Lot Smith's Story, p.18]

ROCKWELL FRONTIER LAW INFORCEMENT 1862

Lot Huntington, an outlaw, was killed by O. Porter Rockwell, near Ft. Crittenden, while attempting to escape from the officers. On the following day, while trying to effect their escape, John P. Smith and Moroni Clawson, two other outlaws, were killed in G.S.L. City. [Andrew Jenson, Church Chronology, January 16, 1862 (Thursday)]

ROCKWELL WITH PRESIDENT JOSEPH F. SMITH

I went with Porter Rockwell and a squad of ten or twelve rangers appointed to watch further movements of the government troops at Camp Scott. [James R. Clark, Messages of the First Presidency, Vol.4, p.19]

ROCKWELL ARREST 1877 FOR MURDER

O. Porter Rockwell was arrested and imprisoned in Salt Lake City, being charged with murder, said to have been committed about twenty years before. Oct. 5th, he was admitted to bail in the sum of $15,000. [Andrew Jenson, Church Chronology, September 29, 1877 (Saturday)]

ROCKWELL DEATH 1878

O. Porter Rockwell died in Salt Lake City. [Andrew Jenson, Church Chronology, June 9, 1878 (Sunday)]

HISTORY OF THE CHURCH ~ UTAH DANITES

"It is charged," said Stephen A. Douglas in a speech at Springfield, Illinois, on the 12th of June, 1857--"it is charged * * * * that the Mormon government, with Brigham Young at its head, is now forming alliances with Indian tribes in Utah and adjoining territories, stimulating the Indians to acts of hostility, and organizing bands of his own followers, under the name of Danites or destroying angels, to prosecute a system of robbery and murders upon American citizens who support the authority of the United States, and denounce the infamous and disgusting practices and institutions of the Mormon government." [History of the Church, Vol.3, Introduction, p.32]

Andrew Jenson, Church Chronology, January 16, 1862 (Thursday)

BILL HICKMAN ~ DANITE

HICKMAN AND ROCKWELL WORK TOGETHER

On February 8, 1857, the first mail eastward, in charge of Wm. A. Hickman and seven other men, left Salt Lake City, and on March 1st Orrin Porter Rockwell was preparing to leave Salt Lake City with another mail. On April 21st, nineteen of the brethren were appointed to assist the Express Company in establishing stations along the route between Fort Bridger and Fort Laramie. [Andrew Jenson, Encyclopedic History of the Church…, p.90]

COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF THE CHURCH

HICKMAN A DESPERADO

Of the first class the accounts of "blood atonement" are by such characters as John D. Lee, of the "Mountain Meadows" horror, and of William A. Hickman, commonly known as "Bill," Hickman--a typical western desperado; these, et al, loosely ascribe responsibility for their crimes to leading "Mormon" church officials, especially to alleged orders or to the veiled suggestions of President Brigham Young. It would violate all the canons of standard historical writing to consider seriously charges made by such characters. [ B. H. Roberts, Comprehensive History of the Church, Vol.4, Ch.99, p.133]

HICKMAN ~ BRIGHAM YOUNG'S DESTROYING ANGEL

52 Brigham's Destroying Angel, Life, Confession and Startling Disclosures of Bill Hickman, the `Danite Chief' of Utah, edited by J. H. Beadle, 1870. Beadle is also the author of Life in Utah; Mysteries and Crimes of Mormonism, etc., etc., ad nauseam. [B. H. Roberts, Comprehensive History of the Church, Vol.4, Ch.99, p.133]

HICKMAN DID 18 TO 20 MURDERS

The other parties to the alleged crime were not admitted to bail. Acting United States District Attorney Baskin planned the indictment and arrest of Brigham Young on this charge of "murder," on the strength of the confessions of the notorious "Bill Hickman," who had confessed to some eighteen or twenty murders. In his recently published Reminiscences Mr. Baskin states that sometime before his appointment by Judge McKean, he had private interviews with Hickman, for whom warrants of arrest were out, and who, to him, made confession of a number of murders. Hickman at the request of Mr. Baskin consented to go before the grand jury, and Baskin handed to Major Hempstead the statement of the self-confessed murderer, with the announcement that Hickman was ready to go before the grand jury. It was at this point that Hempstead resigned and Baskin was appointed by McKean to fill the vacancy. By becoming acting United States district attorney, Mr. Baskin had the opportunity of doing what he had urged upon his predecessor to do, and hence the indictments for murder against Brigham Young et al., upon the confessions of Hickman, with alleged "statements of other persons to me [i. e. Baskin, which nowhere appear) tended to corroborate his confessions." This, as well as the cases of "lewd and lascivious cohabitation," was Mr. Baskin's work. Hilton, Hope A. "Wild Bill" Hickman and the Mormon Frontier. Salt Lake City: Signature Books, 1988. [B. H. Roberts, Comprehensive History of the Church, Vol.5, Ch.141, p.405]

Brigham's
Destroying Angel:

BEING THE

LIFE, AND CONFESSIONS, AND STARTLING
DISCLOSURES

OF THE NOTORIOUS

BILL HICKMAN,
THE DANITE CHIEF OF UTAH.

Written by Himself, with Explanatory Notes by
J. H. BEADLE, ESQ.,
of Salt Lake City.
----------
ILLUSTRATED
----------
--1904 EDITION--

Pages v-vii
PREFACE

----------

It was in the Winter of 1868-9, that the editor first saw the subject of this work upon the street in Salt Lake City. He was then spoken of generally in Utah as one of the notabilities of an epoch long past. I never heard him mentioned as having any connection with church or civil matters of recent occurrence. For years I had heard of "Bill Hickman, Chief of the Destroying Angels, Head Danite," &c., ad nauseam; but like most persons unacquainted with Mormon history, I regarded such matters as the creations of a fertile fancy. When convinced by a longer residence in Utah that there was and had been some kind of a secret organization dangerous to Gentile and recusant Mormons. I began to examine the history of the Church more carefully; and while all the Mormon people spoke of Bill Hickman as a desperately: bad man, and guilty of untold murders, I was struck by two curious and then unexplainable facts:--
1. The first was, that while everybody, from Brigham Young down, united in calling Hickman a murderer, and while evidence could easily be collected of several of his crimes, not a single attempt had been made by priest or people to bring him to justice. For twenty years the Mormons had the courts and juries exclusively in their own hands. During that time many persons had been executed for crime; they could do as they pleased in judicial matters, and abundant evidence was before them against Hickman; but no grand jury ever moved, there was no indictment, and not even a complaint before an examining magistrate. This indicated something--but what? Until I obtained Hickman's manuscript, I never fully knew. When Hickman was arrested all the Mormon speakers and papers united in denouncing him as "a notorious criminal, who had long been able to evade justice." If this was known, as they admit it was, why was not Hickman arrested and punished during the long period in which the Mormons arrested and punished whomsoever

they pleased? Ah, why indeed--except upon the explanation given in this book.
2. The second point is, that long after Hickman was known as a murderer he was successively promoted to a number of offices; he was Sheriff and Representative of one county, Assessor and Collector of Taxes, and Marshal; and during all this time he was on terms of personal intimacy with Brigham Young. He was "in fellowship" in the Church until 1864, and Porter Rockwell, his compeer in crime, is a member of the Mormon Church in "full fellowship" to-day, and now the companion of Brigham Young in his travels! Can these things be explained on any theory except that the statements in this book are true?
During all the changes of 1869 and '70 I rarely heard of Hickman. At length, in the autumn of 1870, while at Stockton, Utah, I heard the account of his polygamous wife, which is detailed in his confession. A few days after I left there I was horrified to hear of the murder of her Gentile husband--a Spaniard--and the evidence left no doubt in my mind that is was perpetrated by Hickman, assisted probably by one Bates, son of a Mormon bishop. It was reported that he had fled to the Southern part of Utah, and generally believed that he had taken refuge at Kanab, the new Mormon stronghold in the mountains bounding the Great Basin on the south, supposed also to be the hiding place of Burton (murderer of the Morrisites), Porter Rockwell, and other Danites, who, like Brigham Young, have "gone south for their health." But negotiations were in progress for his surrender, as detailed in his statement, and in August, 1871, he was brought to Camp Douglas. He is not confined, as, for obvious reasons, he would not dare return to any of the Mormon settlements, but has the freedom of the camp, with quarters and rations at the guard-room. From this place he sent me an invitation to visit him, and there I first met him face to face. I saw a man of heavy build, round head, and somewhat awkward, shuffling gait; five feet nine inches in height, with bright, but cold eyes, of extreme mobility, hair and beard dark auburn--the latter now tinged with grey--and a square, solid chin. His vitality is evidently great, and his muscles well developed. Our conversation need not be recorded, except to say that the man impressed me with his earnestness, and left me with a much better opinion of him that I had before. I then agreed to take charge of his manuscript, and, to use his own language, "Fix it up in shape, so people would understand it."

My first intention was to re-write it entirely, speaking of Hickman in the third person; but one perusal satisfied me that it would be far better as he had written it. I have thought it best, also, to preserve his own phraseology nearly exactly, only inserting a word occasionally where absolutely necessary to prevent mistake. With very few exceptions, the narrative is precisely as written by Hickman, and, some faults of grammar and slang terms aside, I think every critic must admit that our sentimental and religious murderer had a singularly pleasing style. Neither have I thought it best to interrupt his narrative with explanations, but in the more important cases have added the corroborative evidence in an appendix. Late developments in Utah have poured a flood of light on many dark and bloody mysteries, and it is a great mistake to suppose that the recent criminal proceedings against Brigham Young and other leaders were founded upon the testimony of Hickman alone. He only supplied the clew [sic] which led to other evidence.
Notwithstanding the publications on the subject, many are still unacquainted with Mormon history. Hence I have given a brief outline thereof in the first chapter, which is submitted to the criticism of the reader.

J. H. BEADLE.
Salt Lake City, Dec. 10, 1877.

http://www.xmission.com/~country/reason/hickpref.htm 3/14/03 3:57 PM

Pages 122-139
(Including Appendix pages 200-205 -- notes B through C)

CHAPTER III.

FROM 1850 TO 1854.

FIRST YEAR IN UTAH--FIRST INDIAN WAR--LIEUT. J W. GUNNISON--A SERIOUS DEFEAT-BETTER COUNSELS--A VICTORY--A BRAVE MILITIA OFFICER( ?)--A BATTLE ON THE ICE--MASSACRE OF INDIANS--TAKING THE HEAD OF BIG ELK--HICKMAN GOES TO CALIFORNIA--CHOSEN CAPTAIN OF THE TRAIN--INDIAN MASSACRE AND MORE FIGHTING--A MURDER AND LYNCH LAW EXECUTION--TROUBLE IN UTAH AND RETURN OF HICKMAN--MURDER OF IKE HATCH--KILLING THE HORSE-THIEF--KILLING OF IKE VAUGHN--FIGHT BETWEEN THE MORMONS AND GREEN RIVER FERRYMEN--HICKMAN KILLS ANOTHER HORSE-THIEF--CRUELTY OF ORSON HYDE--DASTARDLY MURDER OF HARTLEY--COMMENTS.

After arriving in Salt Lake, I stopped a few days with one of my friends, then located the place ten miles south of the city, where I lived until five years ago. I went to work, and worked hard until in the winter.
At this time there was only two settlements in the valley south; the first was on American Fork, a stream some two or three rods wide, emptying into Utah Lake. The next was a settlement on Provo River, fifteen miles further south, some three miles from Utah Lake. This

river was claimed by a strong band of Indians. These Utah Indians went by different names, such as Timpa-Utes, Pi-Utes, Yampa-Utes and Gosh-Utes, each having its Chief, fishing and hunting grounds, &c., which they claimed as their own; but in reality they were all the same tribe, spoke the same language, and would hunt and fish on each other's lands, as a general thing, unmolested. Sometimes these different bands would have difficulty; but in war with the whites they were all united.
This Provo band was considered very brave, having held that river for a long time. The Mormons got permission of them to settle there, and made them presents, and they were glad to have them come and raise grain. They petted and humored the Indians too much, and this winter they began to do as they pleased. They first commenced stealing their horses and cattle, and seeing they were not chastised for it, would take cattle or anything they wanted, and deliberately drive it off at any time, saying to the people, "You are all petticoats, and won't fight." This continued until in February, when they commenced shooting at the people if they tried to hinder them from taking anything they wanted. The people called for help from Salt Lake, and one hundred and fifty men were soon raised under charge of George Grant, to go and give them a clearing out. Among this company was Capt. W. H. Kimball, Adjutant Gen. Ferguson and the lamented Captain Gunnison, who was wintering in Salt Lake, with a Government party of topographical engineers under Colonel Stansbury. This military clever gentleman volunteered his services,

and went with us. So did the Surgeon of that United States party, and a few others. The Captain was never behind, always showing skill and bravery. I became very much attached to him, and he was well liked by all as far as I knew. About 9 p. m. we got to the settlement at Provo, which was two or three miles west of where the city of Provo now is. I was sent ahead in charge of the advance guard.
All was quiet, and we got through their half fortified place without the Indians knowing of us, and made the necessary arrangements for quarters, forage and supper. I was sent for, and found a council of war was called, the object of which was to fix the modus operandi of an attack on the Indians the next morning, which were about three miles above us on the river, in thick brash and heavy cottonwood timber. Officers were appointed, and companies formed, all satisfactory, and then a display of talent from the new and highminded officers ensued.
The canteen passed around frequently, which inspired their minds, and made assurance of an early victory next morning. I was silent till Colonel Grant turned to me and said, "Well, Captain Bill, what have you got to say? I have not heard a word from you."
I told him I did not like any of their plans. I reasoned on the Indian mode of fighting, that they would resort to all sorts of stratagem and advantage, and in that light we should look at them, and against such movements lay our plans, which I had not heard proposed by any of his staff. I made a few more suggestions and

stopped. The canteen passed again, and when it came my turn the Colonel said: "Bill, take a good one; you must be down at the heel." I drank a success for the morrow, after which the Colonel arose, gave orders that the cannon which we had taken with us, should be placed above on the south side of the river, that two small companies should be placed on the north side above and one below, and I should make a selection of twenty horsemen, with good horses, sabres and pistols; that those companies north, east and west, should charge on the camp (now this camp was supposed to contain one hundred warriors), and drive them out into fair ground, where I could, with my company, charge upon and chop them up.
I went to my quarters, studying whether it was the want of brains or too much canteen that had caused such plans. But, thought I to myself, if it suits you I am satisfied.
All set and off in the morning as per order. One of my men asked me as we were going to the field of battle, what I thought of their running the Indians out of the brush for us to kill. I told him I would agree to eat all the Indians we got a chance to kill that day. All reached their posts about nine o'clock. The sound of musketry was heard, and the roar of cannon, which was kept up all day. Occasionally we would see them packing off a dead or wounded man, but no Indians for us. The sun was about an hour and a half high, when I made a rush with my company of cavalry within a hundred yards of the Indian camp without orders, fired into them, wheel-

ed and left for our place. Several balls whistled amongst us, but nobody was hurt.
Soon after this the bugle sounded a retreat, and the Indians set up such a yell of victory that one would think ten thousand devils had been turned loose. We went back to our quarters. Officers and men looked sad. Some of our men were killed, and some wounded. Supper being over, I was sent for again. I went in and looked around, but did not see a big feeling man amongst them. I felt rather tickled to see the contrast between that and the night before.
After talking over all that had transpired that day, I was the first one asked to say what should be done the next day. I told them that my plan of strategy and surprise would not work now, as the Indians knew we meant fight in earnest; that I saw no other way than to select the best Captains, and let them pick their companies, and take the brush, crawl up within gun shot, and play upon them, while the Colonel would be where he could see what was going on, and at any time in the afternoon that he thought fit, sound a charge on which a general rush was to be made to wind up the fight.
My plan was adopted without any opposition, and I was chosen for one of those brush Captains, and placed on the north, where the hottest fire had come from the day before. I got my men within eighty yards of their camp without being seen, and poured a volley of shot in amongst them, which made a great scattering and hiding. We got under cover of brush and banks, and whenever an Indian showed himself we would turn loose on

him. In this position we lay all day, in snow fifteen inches deep, but I never heard a man complain of being cold. The companies played upon them above and below. Capt. Kimball from in front, or rather from the south, made a rush to take a log house within gun shot of them, in which he had his horse shot dead under him. Kimball was both brave and venturesome.
Captain Conover, who had charge of the Company above me in the afternoon, laughingly asked me if my men were all there; I told him I thought so. He said I must be mistaken, and asked me if I had had any killed. I told him no; upon which he said: "One of your men is dead, the one that wore that tall hat." I looked around, and that one was gone. The Captain laughed again, saying: "He is dead. When I saw you bringing your men into position. I saw him stop about one hundred yards behind in a bunch of brush. The Indians saw him, and commenced shooting at him, when he left and ran close to me. I called to him to stop, but could not get him to halt, and saw him jump through the fork of a tree twelve feet high, and know he broke his neck before he stopped." Poor fellow; he luckily escaped, and was as brave a man as I had at the supper table.
This brave soldier is now one of the Colonels of the Utah militia, and expects to whip the United States when Brigham gives the word. Such men should be greatly feared, lest they get scared, and sure enough break their necks.
There was no charge sounded, but we knew we had done good execution that day. The Indians made a la-

mentable yell until the bugle sounded a retreat, then all was still. No shouts of victory or Indian yells were heard that evening. All went to quarters. Two days of fighting, and that breakfast spell of Indians not wiped out yet.
The next day was Sunday, and fighting was suspended. In the afternoon the Colonel took some fifty men, me with them, to ride around the Indian camp, and see how things looked. After some time I was satisfied there were no Indians there. I told the Colonel so, and urged him to make a charge on the camp, as there was plenty of us to use them up anyhow. He was not in favor of it. I fell behind, and when a good opportunity offered, made a dash through their camp; saw some children and some wounded; rode around quickly and out again, and called to the Colonel. He said they might be in ambush. Then James Hirons, as brave a man as I ever was with, came to me, and we dashed in again, and around, and then called to the company, who rushed in and found the Indians were gone.
The dead and wounded lay thick, only half-a-dozen sick children were left. Everything was burned, and we took with us the children, who were well taken care of. The next day we found the remainder had gone to the mountains, the snow being very deep there. We placed a guard at the mouth of the cañon, and went in search of other portions of the tribe in the south end of the valley. I was sent with a party of six to spy out the situation of the Indians on Spanish Fork, twelve miles south. We found the Indians encamped in the brush on the creek,

and fifty or sixty head of horses feeding on fair ground close by. On our arrival in sight some of the Indians rushed out and drove their horses into the brush. On our return conversation was about the number of Indians we had seen. Some said thirty, some forty, and some sixty. I was riding with Captain Carus, a fine, clever old Dutchman. "ell," said he, "Villiam, how many do you say we saw." I told him twelve, for I had counted them; I mention this to show you how things multiply to persons when fear and excitement have possession of the inexperienced, such as these.
On the next day we marched for them, but on search, found a trail where they had left for the Utah Lake, some twelve or fifteen miles west. While searching I accidently spied an Indian in the brush, in all probability left as a rear guard. I rushed towards him; he shot two or three arrows at me, and wheeled to run. I shot at him, which made him bound through the brush, tearing off his quiver of arrows, but did not hit him.
Here I must stop and tell a story of my outfitting before leaving Salt Lake. One of the old fathers, sixty-five or seventy years of age, came and brought me his old-fashioned broad sword, asking me if I would accept it on this trip. I told him I would, and thank him, too; upon which the old man said: "May God bless and preserve you, and may I have the pleasure of cleaning it on your return." The Indian was scared by my pursuit, and going through the brush had about one hundred yards of a clear place to pass. I crowded my horse at his full strength through the brush, just keeping in sight of

the Indian; but I thought of the request of the old man to clean his sword on my return, so I drew it, and before be got through the open space overtook him and made a heavy back-handed cut on his head. He fell, and I jumped off my horse and ran the sword through him, putting it up without wiping:
We then struck on the Indian trail, found them at dark encamped on the lake near the head. General Daniel H. Wells had just come to us on the Indian trail. He was Commander-in-Chief. He stationed guards around the Indian camp in order to prevent their escape during the night. This was a bitter cold night on the Lake shore--snow on the ground, and the wind blowing a gale. We had had no dinner, had no supper, no blankets, and nothing but sage-brush to make fires, and even that was scarce and small. The body of the men camped or rather stopped below, and took turns pulling this brush which kept them from freezing.
I was placed above on the Lake shore with Lot Smith and John Little, Jr., who would take turns going to the fire, leaving one with me all the time. My orders were to stay until relieved. I walked my post and kept from freezing with much ado.
As soon as it got light I got orders at the sound of the bugle to charge their camp, and strange to say, I was alone when the charge was sounded. I ran up on the beach in order to give me a fair view of what was or would be going on. Firing commenced, and I saw an Indian coming towards me unnoticed by the company. I got behind a bush and waited until he was within eight

feet of me, when I shot him dead, ran for the battle, and saw an Indian start on the ice. I ran him some three or four hundred yards, got within fifty steps of him and downed him, returned, and the battle was ended. Fourteen Indians lay almost in a pile.
Some twenty odd were killed in all. General Wells started a party of fourteen of our men up the Lake bench to see if there was any more Indians near by. We had not gone more than two miles when we saw five Indians coming down the Lake shore on horseback, on the edge of the ice, which was about two feet thick, with a little snow on it. They turned back, and we after them. Here was a nice chase, but as usual, only three or four of us had horses fast enough to catch the Indians. I shot the first, Lot Smith the next, and I the next, who came near falling off his horse, but recovered. The savages were shooting back at us with rifles and arrows whenever we got close to them.
Lot was a brave man; whenever he emptied his gun he would get another and pitch in again. These guns were willingly handed him by those cautious fellows behind, and he emptied some half-dozen of them. I had a slide rifle; six shots in a slide, and three slides, making eighteen shots on hand. Lot shot at an Indian whose horse had fell on the ice and broke his gun, but he kept trying to shoot. We halted and gave him six or eight shots before he fell. One Indian alone was on his horse wounded, and I saw Lieut. R. T. Burton make a dash for him. He had a good horse, and I thought it no use to go any further, as Burton would be sure to get him. I watched him and saw him shoot off his pistols at the Indian

when two or three hundred yards from him, and turn back. I mounted my horse, a good one, too, and crowded him for the Indian, who by this time was a mile ahead. He left the Lake and started across the bench for the mountains. I dismounted, took good aim at him, and fired; he fell, then rose and climbed over some rocks. I shot at him again, when he left his horse, went up the mountain about a hundred yards and fell dead.
I went to camp, and we had provisions sent to us, which were very acceptable, as we had had nothing to eat since breakfast the day before. We scouted the country a few days and went to Provo to go up the canon and wind up the war. Two companies were sent up the cañon, one under Captain Lameraux, and one under Captain Little. I was sent ahead as a spy with Mr. Hirons, of whom I have already spoken. We proceeded up the cañon some two or three miles, occasionally going up the side of the mountain so we could get a fair view of things ahead. We did not see anything for some time, when all at once we looked below and saw the Indians in a ravine not a hundred yards off. We had reached this place under cover, saw the Indian spies looking down the cañon, and knew from all appearances we had not been seen. "What shall we do?" said Hirons. I answered, "We will give them a shot apiece, and if they don't run, we will." "Pick your man so we won't both shoot at the same Indian," said he. We lay snug behind the rocks; the word was given by him, and we both fired, fetching our men. The Indians broke, and we fired again, but I do not think we hit any, as they were running. We

threw ourselves in sight, and waived our handkerchiefs for the companies to come on. As far as we could see the Indians were running up the cañon.
We went down to see the Indians we had shot. Hirons told me I had killed the chief, Big Elk. I took off his head, for I had heard the old mountaineer, Jim Bridger, say he would give a hundred dollars for it. I tied it in his blanket and laid it on a flat-rock; hid his gun and bow and arrows, forty-two number one good arrows, and awaited the arrival of the company. The reason I hid the above named articles was because I had tried to get some arrows or some relic to take home with me, from several of those cautious fellows who were great warriors, but not one could I get; they had all been taken by them to take home to show what victories they had achieved.
The companies soon came up, when we attacked and killed nearly all the Indians. We took about fifty women and children prisoners. When I came to where I had killed the chief, I had to laugh. Those rear fellows who had been in the habit of picking up everything, had untied the blanket that was around the chief's head, but on seeing what it contained left it untied with the head sitting in the middle of it, entirely untouched. I took the head, gun, bow and arrows, mounted my horse, took a pretty spuaw [sic] behind me and a sick pappoose in front, and was off for our quarters.
This wound up the Indian war of '49, so called, although it was in the spring of '50. We took the prisoners to the city, and distributed them among the people. The warriors were all killed but seven or eight, and the

next spring all the prisoners that wanted to went to adjoining tribes.
All was peace and no Indian troubles for three years after this. I went to work on my farm, fencing and building, but had poor luck. Did not get the water out of the river so as to irrigate it in time. The California immigration began to come in. I had that spring purchased a few Indian ponies, and had them fat, just what the emigrants wanted. I spent the summer trading and herding stock. I herded the stock belonging to the Church and Brigham Young. I delivered them all to Brigham in the fall, having lost none, and charged him nothing. The bill should have been over one hundred dollars, but I made a good summer's trade and built more houses. In the fall I got my leg broke by a horse falling on it, and was lame for eight or ten months.
In the winter, Brigham Young saw me with a fine bay horse I had traded for that summer, and wanted him. I gave the horse to him. I got the gold fever, and went to California in the fall of '51. Left Salt Lake in August, and went to Bear River north, on the California Road, where there were some emigrants organizing and awaiting to get a good company, as the Indians had been very bad that year, killing sometimes an entire train. A few Mormon boys went, five I think. This was the last train that went through that year. It was composed of people from Missouri and Illinois, and Mormons, with two South Carolinians, making in all 42 men, six of them having their families along. Some had horses, some mules, and

some ox teams, with a few head of loose cattle, and a dozen loose horses, but not one good riding horse. We all got together to organize for a start. When the meeting was called I was astonished to hear myself nominated for captain, as I was not acquainted with ten men in the company. I got up and objected, but this was of no use; they said that they had heard of me, those who did not know me, and had made up their minds to have me for their Captain; that we had to go through a country full of bad Indians, and they knew from what they had heard that I knew more about them than any other person in the company, and I had to accept.
I found I had a first rate set of fellows, several of whom had served in the Mexican war, and served in several battles, and one of Kit Carson's old Indian fighters, some old farmers from the States with their families, and, taken all together, a company that would be an honor to any man. The twentieth of August we started. The next company ahead of us had been gone two weeks, had horse and mule teams, and sixty-four men in the company.
All moved off nicely, until we got about four hundred miles on our road, and were traveling down the Humboldt River. There we began to see where wagons had been burned, and also skeletons of men, women and children, their long and beautiful hair hanging on the brush; and sometimes a head with as beautiful locks of hair as I ever saw, and sometimes those of little children, with two or three inches of flaky hair, either lying by or near them, the wolves having eaten the flesh off their

bones. But all the bodies of the men, women and children that were found had a portion of the skin taken off the tops of their heads. They had all been scalped, and the savages, in all probability, as we talked of it, were then in the mountains having war-dances with the whoops and yells of demons, over these scalps of honesty and innocence.
Some of the boys began to get terribly riled up, and wanted to stop and hunt the Indians. Our train traveled snugly together and camped on clear ground, tying our horses at night, and corraling [sic] our cattle, always keeping out a strong guard. About this time we met the train coming back that had started ahead of us, having fought the Indians several days, lost nearly half of their stock, and twelve or thirteen of their men. They advised us to turn back, assuring us there was no show to get through. We thought differently, and some of the boys laughed at them. Finding out we were determined they turned to go with us, but told us they had traveled and fought Indians all day only three days before. As we journeyed, with the new company in our rear, all at once there was a dash, a hoot and a yell from the brush about three hundred yards off. The train was halted; twenty-five of my men in less than a minute had their guns, about half of us mounted our horses, the balance on foot, and instead of waiting for them to circle and fight we went for them, telling at the same time the other company to remain still and take care of the teams.
The Indians had made no arrangements for a retreat,

but ran into the willow brush on the river, which was fordable anywhere, and after them we went. They took a fright like a gang of wild antelopes, and ran in all directions. We popped them right and left until all were out of sight. I flew around on my horse to see the boys, fearing I had lost some of them, but all were safe. Two were slightly wounded. All swore they would scalp the Indians, and have a war-dance over their scalps. I told them to do as they pleased. They got thirty-two scalps off of the Indians killed on the ground, and what gave my men increased anger, one of the Indians was found with the scalps of two women, cured and dried, and another had the scalp of a child, I should think not more than three or four years of age. I need not tell you--you may guess the feeling that existed.
We all had a great war-dance that night. Our friends from the company behind us came over and declared positively they had never seen such men before; said it was a wonder we were not all killed, and declared they saw one hundred and fifty Indians. The boys seemed easy for a day or two, but on finding another quantity of bodies became anxious for another fight.
We traveled quietly for probably one hundred miles, when four Indians were seen crawling through the sage brush towards our stock; we went for and got them; killed and scalped them. We were now getting toward the sink of the Humboldt, and began to see a great many fresh Indian tracks. The next day they seemed to be gathering in from all directions to about the place we intended camping. The sun was about two hours high

when we discovered them on the bench, and in the willow brush on the opposite side of the river. I kept the train moving until we got into a low place out of their sight, when we halted, and the men got their guns and mounted in short notice. We had twenty-six men ready. I wanted the company behind to take hand in the fight, but the boys would not agree to it.
We got within gun shot of the Indians before they saw us. The boys made a rush on them, shooting, hooting, and yelling in such a manner that they all took fright before firing a gun or shooting an arrow. The boys dashed into the brush, keeping up a constant firing, and the Indians rose around us as thick almost as a gang of sheep. I never saw the like. They took down the river into large and thick brush. I saw up the hill, about a mile off, one of my men after an Indian. He shot at him, wheeled his horse, and started back. I had just emptied one slide of my gun, six loads, and had no other slide with me. One of my men had a good rifle, which I took and started at full speed over the sage brush, met the man and asked him what was the matter. He said he had shot off his gun and both pistols, and had no more ammunition with him. In about two miles I overtook the Indian. He had got close to the mountain, and had two arrows left, which he turned loose at me. One of them cut my coat collar. I saw he had no more, rode within a rod of him, and bursted a cap at him. I then made a drive for him on my horse. He was the largest Indian I ever saw, and ran like a scared wolf. I caught my gun by the breech,

ran on him and struck him over the head with such a force I broke the gun off at the breech. The barrel fell some ten feet off, and the Indian in front of me, and my horse fell over him. I lit on my feet, jumped and caught up the gun-barrel; and wheeled for the Indian. He was getting up when I hit him again over the head, killing him instantly, the blow bending the heavy barrel four inches. I jerked off his scalp and went back as fast as my horse could carry me.
On the bluff of the river sat Doc. Ripley on his horse, over an Indian he said he had killed. Said he to me: "Captain, take off his scalp for me, as your hands are bloody. I am not spleeny about such things. I have cut up many a dead person in the dissecting rooms." I dismounted, caught him by the top of his head, and as soon as I began to cut, he jumped straight on his feet. I stabbed him with my knife a few times, which soon ended him.
On examination we found he was only shot through the flesh of the arm. We counted forty-six killed. Two of our men got shot in the legs, and one in the thumb. All got well by the time we got to California. After this we traveled unmolested.
When we got on Carson River, a lamentable circumstance took place. The Kit Carson man got killed. He was the best man I had. His name was John Watson. He was killed by the worst man I had, a man who was said to be running away from Missouri for murdering a man there. They had a quarrel, and this man undertook to shoot Watson, but would have got killed if I

had not interfered. Watson came to me and told me he knew the man intended killing him, and thought it hard I would not let him shoot him. I then went and talked to the man, and he promised faithfully he would not touch Watson. I told Watson there was no danger. He thought different, but said he would be quiet, and not another word passed between them. That evening Watson was lying on his blankets, sleeping, when this man, Hensley, went and put his pistol to his head and blew out his brains.
I was then out after the horses. When I came to camp he was walking around with four pistols on his belt, swearing there was not men enough in camp to take him, and if they undertook it he could kill half a dozen. I thought of taking my gun and shooting him down, but thought of my position, sat down at my camp-fire and said nothing, but thought there was time enough to have him attended to, knowing there was no show for him to get away.
The next morning we made a coffin of a wagon-box, and buried Watson in a military style, firing thirty shots over his grave.
Now I will here say this man Hensley in an Indian fight was not brave, but always behind in dangerous places; although from report he had killed several men before this. I told the boys we would attend to him that evening. We wanted to move on about ten miles to get good feed for our animals. The camp, which had been almost universally lively and full of fun, moved off with a dismal look, not a cheerful countenance to be seen. It seemed as if all had lost a brother,

and indeed it was almost so. Watson's piercing eye had passed nothing unnoticed in our travels. He was always ahead when a fight was on hand, and when in camp would amuse the boys by telling his adventures with Kit Carson, his hunting and Indian stories, narrow escapes and big victories, which was done in such a hearty, plain, and sociable manner that everybody liked him.
We moved on, found good grass, and encamped, and soon a company of sixteen men came on the same flat, from California, and encamped below us. I went and found their captain, a man I had known in Illinois. He had been in California two years, and was going back on the forty-mile sand desert, which we had just crossed, for wagons that had been left there. I got a good drink of brandy, and then told him of the circumstance that had happened in our camp. He and all his men shouted: "Hang him up. Why have you not done it before? We have to do it in this country and in California in the absence of law. If he had done such a deed in the mines, where you are going, he would have been hung in less than three hours."
I invited the captain to come up after dark, and bring half a dozen of his best men with him, stating that I would have him arrested, and we would investigate the case. I selected four of my best men, told them to get as close to him as they could, and then bounce [sic] upon him. I watched, and he did not appear to notice until one of them got in about ten feet of him, when he straightened up, put his hand on a pistol, but

had no time to draw it before all four of my men had him tight, and he was soon tied. Supper being over, the captain of the California company, with six men, came into camp. I called my company together and took a vote of the company to see what was their wish. All voted for a trial. I then appointed a judge and three jurymen, and the California captain appointed three of his men as jurymen, to hear the case. I stated that I would appoint this California captain to prosecute the case, and the prisoner might choose one or two to assist him. I took a vote on this, and it was unanimously agreed to. The prisoner got his counsel.
The judge and jury were seated, all things went off smoothly, and no evidence was denied. When through, the prisoner was asked what he had to say. He answered: 'That d--d s--n of a b--h, he insulted me by giving me the lie, and no man can do that and live. That's my motto, and Watson knew it; consequently he deserved death." This was his only reason for killing him. The jury was out about fifteen minutes, and returned a verdict of murder in the first degree.
All was still, and I called a vote of the company, giving that same jury power to say what should he done with him. All agreed. They were out about five minutes, returned, and said: "Hang him." Men were sent to find a tree with a limb suitable, and found one a few hundred yards from camp. This was about two o'clock in the night. A brush-fire was built, and the prisoner notified he had half an hour to live, and could say what he had to say during that time. He got a man to pray

for him, who prayed about ten minutes. Then the prisoner commenced finding fault with almost everyone in camp. His time was cried every five minutes. He swore and used the roughest language, acting more like a devil than a man going to die.
When the last five minutes was cried, he turned to me, whom he seemed to have missed in his volley of abuse, and said: "There is the captain, a man I thought was a gentleman. It was in his power to have saved me, but he has let all this go on and not tried to prevent my being hanged, and, if there is such a thing, I will come back and haunt you all the days of your life." I replied: "I am not much afraid of live men, and much less of dead ones."
A lariat was put around his neck, thrown over a limb, and he was drawn four feet from the ground, and the other end fastened to a stake, and left until morning. Next morning he was rolled in his blanket, and buried under the same tree, and at eight o'clock we rolled on. I noticed the looks of the company that day, and all seemed to say we had done right.
Next we got to the Mormon station kept by Colonel Reese, a Mormon trader. It is now known as Genoa. There were eight or ten men there, but not a woman in the valley. When we reached California I sold my stock and went to mining; worked in the Coon Hill diggings four or five weeks, and sank three hundred dollars. This was one mile south of Placerville, then called Hangtown.
While working there, William Haven, a man who had

wintered in Salt Lake Valley the year before, came to see me and wanted me to mine with him. He was in company with two others, he having two shares and they one apiece; so I went and paid him two hundred dollars for one of his shares, and went to work. I soon made acquaintances, and to many was a matter of curiosity as a Mormon from Salt Lake. People would come to see me, as if expecting to see a different species of human being. Sometimes we made as high as forty dollars per day to the hand.
There was no law in the mines at that time only miners' laws, which was justice in all cases, irrespective of persons. I had to sit arbitrator on two cases of theft, the punishment for which was hanging. Both were for stealing money, small amounts, not over one hundred dollars. After sentence, I made a speech begging leniency--asked mercy for them--proposed giving them a good dose of pine limbs, which, when put to a vote of the company, was agreed to. They got a good dressing-down, and were never seen on that flat afterwards.
I made about one thousand dollars there, went to another place and sank money running a tunnel; went to another place and began placer mining again.
About this time the California papers were full of news about trouble in Utah. Some judges had been sent here, and they and Brother Brigham could not hitch horses. The papers talked fight all the time, and stated that United States troops were to be sent to Salt Lake as soon as they could cross the Plains. I grew uneasy about home, and determined to return as soon as I could

cross the mountains. I had intended to stay another year, but, true to my friend Brigham, thought if trouble came on I could help him some, and this was more than money to me.
I had the pleasure of digging gold in several places. The largest nugget I found weighed a little over four ounces, but I worked many a day that I did not make anything. I invested money in deep diggings, and lost several hundred dollars. In June, '52, eight of us were ready to go to Salt Lake, four of us living there, amd the other four going to the States. We bought Spanish horses and mules, fine and fat, rigged up pack-saddles, bought good riding-saddles, and set out for Salt Lake, which we reached in twenty-one days. On the Humboldt River, where the Indians had been so bad the year before, we met a heavy emigration going to California, this--1852--being the greatest year for emigration.
We arrived in Salt Lake the 3d of July. I went home, ten miles south of the city; found the family all alive and well, the stock all fat, and I at home again with a few hundreds to make them comfortable. The next day I went and saw Brigham Young, and made him a present of fifty dollars. We had a long meeting.
I spent the summer and fall at home, trading some with the late California emigrants, getting two poor ainimals for one fat one, and bought some at less than half what they were worth when fat.
Winter came on and there was much said about one Ike Hatch and his company stealing horses and cattle. Brigham wanted me to watch him and some others, and

report to him, which I did for two or three months, I found that he was killing beef and bringing it to town, and stealing horses and trading them off to persons going away from the Territory. He was bringing in beef for some of Brigham Young's special friends, either as a donation or partnership; anyway they had him steal for them, and bring it to them. I reported this to Brigham also, which seemed to strike him anew with rather a set-hack, and I was not asked to watch him again. A month or two after this a man living thirty-five miles south, who had lost his last and only pair of horses, found out Hatch had stolen them, came to me and said he had got the word from Brigham to kill him, and wanted me and another man to assist him. Hatch was watched for and shot, lived a few days and died. This was laid to me, and I never denied it. Brigham Young said that was a good deed, let who would do it.
After he was killed, his family moved south fifty miles, but his comrades kept up their stealing, and finally started East. This man who had lost his horses came to me about midnight the first of April, '53, and said the Hatch party had gone, and he thought they had his horses along, from what he could learn; said he had been to Brigham Young, and he told him to come and get me and some others, and follow and kill the last one of them.
The next day I was in the city, mounted on the best horse in the Territory, with another good one for my friend. We got off at 3 p. m. The day had been warm, the snow deep, and the waters were high; so that we

had to travel on the mountain sides, on the Indian trail, up the cañon. The wind blew a hurricane blast, and the clouds overshadowed the mountain, so that when we had passed the first range we were obliged to stop. It commenced to snow, and one of the worst storms I ever saw ensued. Morning came and the storm abated, but the tracks of the party we were in pursuit of were put out by the snow. Guessing at the road they would go, we set out and went to Fort Bridger but could hear nothing of them. I was left at Fort Bridger with one man to watch for them. The balance went to Green River, seventy miles farther on. They had been gone two days, when some mountaineers came to Fort Bridger and told me they had seen such men as we were inquiring for in Echo Cañon the day before, and when they--i. e., the horse-thieves, saw them, they ran, taking up the mountain. I had only a boy of eighteen with me, untried and unproven; did not know whether he would stand up to the rack in danger or not. I asked him what he thought of going after them, and he said he would go with me.
We started at 10 o'clock a. m., and by dark were at the mouth of Echo Cañon, seventy miles away, where an old man and his son- in-law lived. But these were of no advantage to us, as neither of them had nerve enough to pull a setting-hen off her nest. I inquired about the thieves, but they knew nothing about them. It commenced snowing and raining that night, and kept it up until the next day. Next morning it cleared off fine and warm; the snow passed off the south hill-sides,

and we went out to look for tracks. Found old ones on the mountain-side which we thought must have been made by them; followed them about four miles and came to fresh ones, just made, going towards Weber River. We looked up and down the river, being on the mountain-side, so we could see for miles each way, and saw them near the river about two miles off. Saw them shooting wild geese. There were four of them, and all had guns and pistols. We had Colt's revolvers only.
We watched them some time, and studied how we could get to them without being seen. We fell back and took down the river, keeping out of sight until we were close to them. I told Joe to cock his pistol, and I cocked mine. I looked at him, and he was pale and trembling. I hit him a slap on the face, and told him I would break his head if he did not look out. His color came, his nerve steadied, and his eyes flashed with anger. I said to him: "Obey orders, and follow me."
We rode around the brush and made a dash upon them, at the same time crying out: "Here they are, boys, come on." I ordered a surrender, told them to deliver their arms to Joe forthwith, at the same time presenting my pistol at the one I considered the most dangerous, and swearing to shoot the first man that hesitated. They delivered up their arms in quick time. I told Joe to keep back a few paces, while I marched them in front of me to the house at the mouth of the cañon. When we got into the road they wanted to know where the balance of the company was. I made them believe they were close by, but when we got to the house it was

soon known that we had no company with us. They swore if they had known that, they would not have been taken, and began talking of leaving. We took a gun apiece, hid the balance of their arms, and stood guard over them.
In a short time our men were up, not a dry hair on their horses.
When they returned to Fort Bridger and heard the news, they came on as fast as their horses could bring them. We then learned the thieves' camp was six miles back in the mountain; that their horses were there, and all their camp equipage, and that one of their company had gone to the city for flour.
The next day we went to their camp and brought everything to the house; found three stolen animals, but the man who had come for me, expecting to find his horses, was disappointed. We had no evidence against three of the prisoners, but started them for the city, and sent the guilty one down the river with a bullet-hole through him.
We divided our company, as there were two road, to the city, in order to catch the other thief, Ike Vaughn. The party I was not with caught him at the mouth of Emigration Cañon, within five miles of the city, returning to his company. I got to the city with my party about dark, and learned they had Vaughn. We had had a hard trip through the snow, crossing the mountain, had storms on us half the time, and were tired and worn out, so we turned the prisoner over to the acting police, with instructions to wind up his career that night.
About midnight we were wakened from a sound sleep

by one of the police, who told us the prisoner was gone. We asked him how it happened. He said they took him out and hit him a rap on the head, when he broke loose and outran them. We got up and searched until daylight, but got no trace of him. I went with Mr. R____, the man who had lost his horses, to see Brigham Young, and make a report of what we had done.
Mr. R____ gave him a full report of all that had taken place, and the escape of Vaughn. He said we had done well; told us to go home and rest, and then go after Vaughn again, and never stop until we had killed him. We then asked him what should be done with their property. He said: "Turn it over to the Church." He saw Mr. R____ did not like this, having lost his horses, which were taken by this party, been on a hard trip, and then to turn over property to those who had plenty, did not suit him. Brother Brigham finally said: "Take the property and divide it among yourselves," which we did.
I got a small Spanish mule worth seventy-five dollars, a rifle, and two half-worn blankets for my share. Here let me say that this is all I ever got for services rendered on Brigham Young's orders. Neither did I ever receive a present from him, not so much as one dollar. But from the cause of my former belief I questioned nothing, supposing him right in all things, and it not only a duty, but highly necessary that I should obey his commands, and in the end it would prove both spiritual and temporal salvation to me, which situation thousands of others are now in, in this Territory.

We rested one day, when Mr. R____, with one man, started south to San Pete Valley, a distance of one hundred and twenty-five miles, to see if Vaughn was there, as he had some acquaintances living there. They called on the widow of I. Hatch, thinking he might be there, but got no news of him. Mrs. Hatch told Mr. R____ that her husband said just before he died that he had taken Mr. R____'s horses, and sold them to a Californian; that they were gone and he was sorry, but could not help it now, and wanted her to tell Mr. R____, if she ever saw him.
They returned, not hearing of Vaughn, but said they had things fixed so that if he was seen he would be attended to. Shortly after this he told me Vaughn was caught and killed down South. I never asked him who did it; nor do I know yet. The other three were turned loose, and went to California.
I had been making preparations for a road trade all winter, intending to take an outfit and go somewhere in the vicinity of Green River, and trade with the California and Oregon immigration for tired and lame stock, and buy surplus loading, which was generally sold cheap when teams began to get tired.
I commenced reading law, of which I had a smattermg when quite young. I had given attention to it ever since I saw that law knowledge and talent were quite ordinary, as a general thing, in this country. I thought I would, after awhile, make a business of practicing law, but this summer I intended to trade. I got my outfit of stock, groceries, and a set of blacksmith's tools, and

went to Green River; got there the first of May, and the mountian-traders, some forty or fifty, all met me, wanting whisky. I had plenty, and sold whisky a few days at two dollars per pint, and took in six or seven hundred dollars. I thought I had l better go back farther on the road, as there were so many trading at and around Green River; so I went to Pacific Springs, sixty miles farther east, set up shop and grocery, and the immigration soon began to come. Horse-shoeing, wagon-repairing, and whisky were all in big demand, and lame stock cheap.
I had been there but a few days when Doc. Morton, from St. Louis, came with a similar outfit for a road trade. He was surgeon in Colonel Doniphan's regiment of volunteers, from western Missouri, during the Mexican war. He was also the Morton of the wholesale drug store in St. Louis. This gentleman had seen something of the Plains, and was taking this trip for a change, not expecting to find any trader there. He seemed sad and disappointed. I saw he was a gentleman, and told him there would be trade enough for us both; so he set up his establishment about two hundred yards from me. Emigration from the East to California and Oregon soon came thick. Drove after drove of cattle passed daily, most of which had lame or tired ones to sell. We paid from five to ten dollars per head; seldom over. Traded for several good horses, some lame, some sick; bought clothing. groceries, wagons, harness, and tents at a low figure.
We wound up some time in August. The Doctor went

to Salt Lake with his stock, sold out, and went to St. Louis that fall. I got home with over a hundred head more stock than I started with, and a little of almost everything else. I made a reckoning after I got home of what I had made that summer, and it was over nine thousand dollars. I had bought some of the finest Durham stock I ever saw; they being heavy and tender, could not be driven through. From this stock I raised, and had the premium stock of the Salt Lake fairs for many years.
During the summer a difficulty took place between the ferrymen and mountain men. The latter had always owned and run the ferry across Green River, but the Utah Legislature granted a charter to Hawley Thompson & McDonald, for all the ferries there. The mountain men, who had lived there for many years, claimed their rights to be the oldest and a difficulty took place in which the mountain men took forcible possession of all the ferries but one, making some thirty thousand dollars out of them. When the ferrying season was over, the party having the charter brought suit against them for all they had made during the summer.
About this time it was rumored that Jim Bridger was furnishing the Indians with powder and lead to kill Mormons. Affidavits were made to that effect, and the sheriff was ordered out with a posse of one hundred and fifty men to arrest him, capture his ammunition, and destroy all his liquors. I was sent for to come to Brigham Young's office. He told me he wanted me to go with the sheriff, James Ferguson, and party, as I had

been out there that summer, was acquainted with those mountaineers, and might be of special service. I accordingly went; Bridger had heard of this and left--no one knew where to. We searched around several days for him. Finally one of the party who had taken the ferries, came to Fort Bridger and was arrested. No ammunition was found, but the whisky and rum, of which he had a good stock, was destroyed by doses: the sheriff, most of his officers, the doctor and chaplain of the company, all aided in carrying out the orders, and worked so hard day and night that they were exhausted--not being able to stand up. But the privates, poor fellows! were rationed, and did not do so much.
I saw how things were going, and told the sheriff I was going home. He then asked me if I would make one of Lieutenant Eph. Hanks' party to take the prisoner into Salt Lake. I agreed, and we started in the afternoon. Hanks was full of rum. The necessary supplies were laid in, which consisted of a few canteens of the same. We intended to travel forty miles before we slept. but when night came on it was very dark. The canteens made things lively until we came to some brush, when the prisoner, Elisha Ryan, slipped off his horse, and in an instant was in the brush out of sight. We searched for him an hour or two, and sent two of the party back to Fort Bridger, while Hanks and myself came on to the city and made our report. Hanks being one of the star boys, so looked up to, felt rather cheap when his rum gave out and he came to himself, on seeing what he had done.

The posse went to Green River, shot two or three mountaineers, took several hundred head of stock, returned to Fort Bridger, and what whisky they could not drink they poured out, reserving, however, enough to keep them drunk until they got home. The property that was taken went to pay a few officers, and, as was said, the expenses of the posse; but, poor fellows, I never knew of one of them getting a dollar. It went to pay tithing; and, finally, all was gobbled up and turned over to the Church, and Hawley & Co. never got a cent. This did not suit him very well; but he had to stand it, and it sticks in his craw to this day. The old man tells some wonderful stories about that and other losses sustained by Church authority; but that is his history and not mine, and I will pass over it as I have, and will do, with many others; but, at the close of my history, I may give to you the manner in which several have been treated in financial affairs by those holding authority over them.
That fall, after harvest, my horses were gathered and put into a field having probably seventy-five acres, which had not been cultivated, and bore the finest of grass. One morning my hired boy came in and told me Frenchy was gone, one of the finest little French horses I ever saw; his mane hanging to his knees, and his foretop to the end of his nose; a horse I had got the year before, and given a big price for him. I found him very gentle, and made my wife a present of him--that same good woman whom I have told you I courted and married when but a boy. He paced finely; she loved horseback

riding, and with him could make a showing among a hundred horses.
We found where the fence had been let down and the horse led out, and a man's tracks. I sent for my horse, which was the best in the Territory, and put one of my hired men on the next best, and started. About noon we got his track, and were satisfied which way he had gone. We traveled at the rate of eight miles an hour, and just before sundown I saw my horse coming out of the swamps of Utah Lake, sixty miles from where we started. I was both mad and tired. The man on him hailed me and wanted to know if he could have our company south. I felt too indignant to speak. I rode up by his side and shot him through the head, took my horse and went home. I did not get off my horse to examine him. I never heard from him after. Whether he was found or buried I do not know.
I was in the city a few days after, and, as in duty bound, made report to Brigham Young, who held the right of life-taking in his own hands, and nobody else, as we had often been told. He said I had done just right. I will here state that, while at Pacific Springs, on the South Pass, at my trading-post, among the emigration passing, one of my brothers came along, going to California. I had not seen him for twelve years, and did not know him. He had studied medicine, had his diploma, and was going to California to practice his profession. I, with much persuasion, got him to stop and spend the winter with me; but before the winter was over, we Mormonized him and got him to join the

Church. He has been here ever since, and is a good Mormon; but, poor fellow, he has never had but one wife, won't practice medicine, lives on his farm, raises grain, attends to his stock, and goes along as though he was a stereotyped Christian indeed.
I spent the most of my time that winter reading law-books. I also got the appointment of Deputy United States marshal under Marshal Joseph L. Heywood, he having been appointed by President Z. Taylor, which office I held until '58, doing most of the Marshal's business in the courts, and in making all arrests of hard men. That winter, while Judge Shaffer's court was in session, I made application for license to practice law, and a committee, with Almon W. Babbitt as foreman, was appointed to examine me. I was in attendance at the court acting as marshal and bailiff at the same time. The committee reported next morning favorable, after giving me what I thought was a pretty rigid examination, and I was licensed.
That winter a new county was granted by the Legislature, taking in Green River Ferry, called Green River County. W. I. Appleby was appointed probate judge, with power to organize said county and appoint all necessry [sic] officers, who were to hold office until the next election.^B From the time that those mountain men had had their property taken by the sheriff and his posse, very ill feelings had existed. Threats were made that they would have as much property out of the Mormons as they had lost by them. Some fears were entertained

that they might bother the emigration the next fall, and Brigham Young wanted me to go and stay on Green River that summer, and, if possible, quiet them down in some way or other; and if I could not make peace with them any other way, pitch in and kill those that would not come to terms without, and especially Ryan (he was with the Indians, and would do us much harm, and must go up). This being my charge, I set out with Judge Appleby and Rev. Orson Hyde, who had charge of the new settlement, Fort Supply, twelve miles south of Fort Bridger. Our company consisted of fifteen, this being about the first of May, '54, as soon as we could get across the mountains for snow.
Orson Hyde being the head of The Twelve, obedience was required to his commands, in the absence of Brigham Young, in all things, whether spiritual or temporal; and, in fact, the man who did not obey had better leave when he could, especially those who might refuse, or give any intimation of a dislike to things that elsewhere would be an open violation of law. But the satisfied point and undoubted fact that God had established His kingdom in the mountains, and Brigham was conversant with the Almighty, was a settled question. In all candor I say I do not think there was then in Utah one in fifty, or, I might say, one in a hundred, who did not believe it. This man Orson Hyde was sanguine in this belief, although there were some points in Brigham Young's conduct he could not see through, but attributed it all, he said, to his inability to comprehend

the ways of the Almighty. I have traveled with and talked to him on all these subjects.
When we had got across what was known as the Big Mountain, and into East Cañon, some three or four miles, one Mr. Hartley came to us from Provo City. This Hartley was a young lawyer who had come to Salt Lake from Oregon the fall before, and had married a Miss Bullock, of Provo, a respectable lady of a good family. But word had come to Salt Lake (so said, I never knew whether it did or not), that he had been engaged in some counterfeiting affair. He was a fine-looking, intelligent young man. He told me he had never worked any in his life, and was going to Fort Bridger or Green River to see if he could not get a job of clerking, or something that he could do. But previous to this, at the April Conference, Brigham Young, before the congregation, gave him a tremendous blowing up, calling him all sorts of bad names, and saying he ought to have his throat cut, which made him feel very bad. He declared he was not guilty of the charges.
I saw Orson Hyde looking very sour at him, and after he had been in camp an hour or two, Hyde told me that he had orders from Brigham Young, if he came to Fort Supply to have him used up. "Now," said he, "I want you and George Boyd to do it." I saw him, and Boyd talking together; then Boyd came to me and said: "It's all right, Bill; I will help you to kill that fellow." One of our teams was two or three miles behind, and Orson Hyde wished me to go back and see if anything had happened to it. Boyd saddled his horse to go with me, but

Hartley stepped up and said he would go if Boyd would let him have his horse. Orson Hyde said: "Let him have your horse," which Boyd did. Orson Hyde then whispered to me: "Now is your time; don't let him come back." We started, and about half a mile on had to cross the cañon stream, which was midsides to our horses. While crossing, Hartley got a shot and fell dead in the creek. His horse took fright and ran back to camp.
I went on and met Hosea Stout, who told me the team was coming close by. I turned back, Stout with me, for our camp. Stout asked me if I had seen that fellow, meaning Hartley. I told him he had come to our camp, and he said from what he had heard he ought to be killed. I then told him all that had happened, and he said that was good. When I returned to camp Boyd told me that his horse came into camp with blood on the saddle, and he and some of the boys took it to the creek and washed it off. Orson Hyde told me that was well done; that he and some others had gone on the side of the mountain, and seen the whole performance. We hitched up and went to Weber River that day. When supper was over, Orson Hyde called all the camp together, and said he wanted a strong guard on that night, for that fellow that had come to us in the forenoon had left the company; he was a bad man, and it was his opinion that he intended stealing horses that night. This was about as good a take-off as he could get up, it was all nonsense; it would do well enough to tell; as everyone that did not know what had happened believed it.^C

Notes

"With full power to organize the county." This brief hint points to one fact which explains many of the difficulties presented by the Mormon question, viz.: the excessive power of Mormon Probate Courts. Unlike any other Territory or State, in Utah these County Judges were granted, by the Legislature complete, civil and criminal Jurisdiction, concurrent with the District Courts in all other matters, and exclusive jurisdiction in matters of divorce and

alimony. There is good cause for this: the District Judges are appointed at Washington, and are supposed to be supporters of national law; the Probate Judge is simply the leading Bishop or Elder in each county, appointed by the Legislature, which was "counselled," of course, by Brigham Young. This usurpation endured twenty years, until it was overthrown by the decisions of Judges McKean and Hawley. These Probate Judges had power to organize counties, appoint under officers, and do forty other things which sound republicanism condemns, but which all aided to keep power in the hands of the Priesthood. For full exposition of this matter, see Life in Utah, Chap. XVI, (New Edition just issued by National Publishing Company of Philadelphia and St. Louis). The editor would not venture on the egotism of a reference to his own work, were it not that the book is extensively distributed, and can easily be obtained in almost any part of the country by those who wish to inquire more particularly into the history of the Mormons, and other points alluded to by Hickman.

In a few brief words Hickman narrates one of the most cruel, causeless, and cold-blooded murders ever perpetrated. Hartley's case is the one most generally known in Utah of all mentioned in this book, and there is scarcely a question of his innocence of any serious fault. Of all the crimes committed by Hickman this one seems to rest most heavy on his conscience. In conversation he strove to avoid it, and at this point his manuscript is heavily blurred and blotted, with frequent erasures, and every evidence of an uncertain hand and hesitating mind, impelled to, yet dreading the narration.
From the various popular accounts in Utah I select that of Hartley's wife, as told to Mrs. Marietta V. Smith. and published in her work, "Fifteen Years among the Mor-

mons." Be it noted that Mrs. Smith's work appeared fourteen years before Hickman made his confession, and that three-fourths of her statements as to other matters are true by testimony lately developed, and no other corroboration will be required. Mrs. Smith says:
"About that time, Jesse T. Hartley came to Salt Lake City. He was a man of education and intelligence, a lawyer. I never heard where he was from, but he was a Gentile, and married soon after a Mormon girl named Bullock, which involved at least a profession of Mormonism. It was afterwards supposed by some that his aim was to learn the mysteries of the church in order to expose them. At all events the eye of the Prophet was upon him from the first; and he was not long in discovering, through his spies, good grounds for suspicion. Hartley was named by some one unacquainted with that fact as a fit person to be appointed missionary preacher among the Gentiles. As customary in such cases he was proposed in open convention when all the heads of the church were on the stand, and the Prophet rose at once with that air of judicial authority from which those who know him best understand there is to be no appeal, and said, 'This man Hartley is guilty of apostasy. He has been writing to his friends in Oregon against the church, and has attempted to publish us to the world, and should be sent to hell across lots.' This was the end of the matter as to Hartley.
"His friends after this avoided him, and it was understood that his fate was sealed. He knew that to remain was death, so he left his wife and child and attempted to effect an escape. Not many days after Wiley Norton told us, with a feeling of exultation, that they had made sure of another enemy of the Church. That the bones of Jesse Hartley were in the Cañons, and he was afraid they would be overlooked at the resurrection unless he had better success in pleading in the next world than in this, referring to his practice as a lawyer.

"Nearly a year and a half after this, when on my way to the States. I saw the widow of Jesse Hartley at Green River. She had been a very pretty woman, and was at that time but twenty-two years old. I think she was the most heart-broken human being I have ever seen. She was living with her brother, who kept a ferry there, and he was also a Mormon. We were waiting to be taken over, when I saw a woman with a pale, sad face, dressed in the deepest black, sitting upon the bank alone. The unrelieved picture of woe which she presented excited our curiosity and sympathy. Accompanied by my sister I went to her, and after some delay and the assurance, that although we were Mormons, we were yet women, she told us her brief story without a tear, yet with an expression of hopeless sorrow, which I can never forget.
"It was not until I had suggested to her that perhaps I had also a woe to unburden as the result of my Mormon life, which might have some comparison to her own, that she commenced by saying: 'You may have suffered; and if you have been a Mormon wife you must have known sorrow. But the cruelty of my own lot is, I am sure, without a parallel, even in this land of cruelty. I married Jesse Hartley, knowing he was a Gentile in fact, though he passed for a Mormon; but that made no difference with me, because he was a noble man, and sought only the right. By being my husband he was brought into closer contact with the heads of the Church, and thus was soon enabled to learn of many things he did not approve, and of which I was ignorant, though brought up among the Saints, and which if known to the Gentiles, would have greatly damaged us. I do not understand all he discovered or all he did; but they found he had written against the Church, and he was cut off, and the Prophet required as an atonement for his sins, that he should lay down his life; that he should be sacrificed in the endowment rooms, where such atonement is made. This I never knew until my hus-

band told me; but it is true. They kill those there who have committed sins too great to be atoned for in any other way. (See note on the blood atonement. Ed.) The Prophet says if they submit to this, he can save them; otherwise they are lost. Oh! that is horrible. But my husband refused to be sacrificed, and so set out alone for the United States, thinking there might be at least a hope of success. I told him when he left me, and left his child, that he would be killed; and so he was. William Hickman and another Danite shot him in the Cañons; and I have often since been obliged to cook for this man, when he passed this way, knowing all the while he had killed my husband. My child soon followed its father, and I hope to die also; for why should I live? They have brought me here, where I wish to remain rather than to return to Salt Lake, where the murderers of my husband curse the earth, and roll in affluence unpunished.'
"She had finished her sad story, and we were choking down our sobs of pity in silence, when she rose and walked away, wearing the same stony expression of agony as when we first saw her. But this is but one case among a thousand that never will see the light until the dark history of the 'Destroying Angels,' as the Prophet is sometimes pleased to call them, is unveiled."
Let the reader observe the convincing agreement of the two accounts. Those who are still determined to believe nothing but good of Brigham Young, may fix some sort of a theory; that Mrs. Smith and Bill Hickman, who scarcely knew each other by sight, could construct a conspiracy so complete that their evidence would substantially agree, though given at intervals of fourteen years; that Mrs Hartley, now living in Utah, merely imagined that her husband was killed by the Church, and that these three witnesses should all be mistaken or willfully false, when agreeing in every particular! But those accustomed to judging the weight of evidence can come to but one conclusion: Jesse Hartley was murdered for apostasy, and the charge of

counterfeiting was cooked up to furnish some sort of excuse to those of the Mormons who could not "swallow the strong doctrine of blood-atonement."

Pages 122-139
(Including Appendix pages 205-212 -- notes E through H)

CHAPTER V.

A CHAPTER OF HORRORS.

CAPTURE OF RICHARD YATES--HE IS MURDERED BY HOSEA STOUT AND HICKMAN--HIS MONEY TAKEN BY BRIGHAM YOUNG--HIS PROPERTY BY THE GUERILLAS--MASSACRE OF THE AIKEN PARTY--BRIGHAM SENDS HICKMAN TO "FINISH THE JOB"--HORRIBLE TREACHERY OF BILL KIMBALL AND GEORGE DALTON-MURDER OF BUCK--A HARD WINTER--ENTRANCE OF JOHNSTON'S ARMY AND ESTABLISHMENT OF CAMP FLOYD--HICKMAN BEGINS TO GET SICK OF BRIGHAMISM--MURDER OF DROWN AND ARNOLD--PUBLIC FEELING ON THE SUBJECT--BRIGHAM'S APPROVAL--HICKMAN'S TROUBLE OF MIND--MISGIVINGS ABOUT MORMONISM, OR BRIGHAMISM--"IN TOO DEEP AND MUST GO ON"--BRIGHAM'S FALSE PROPHECIES--HICKMAN BEGINS TO THINK--DOUBT ANGUISH, TERROR AND THOUGHTS OF FLIGHT.

ONE Yates, a trader that had been in the country before, had returned with five or six thousand dollars' worth of Indian goods, and stopped on Green River. He had several kegs of powder, and a quantity of lead and caps. He was sent to, to purchase his ammunition, but would not sell it without selling his other goods also. He came to Bridger twice, buying beef cattle for the

Government. Both times I went with him beyond all of our troops, to keep him from being hurt. He would trade at the soldier camps, then go to his house on Green River, passing up and down Ham's Fork. We kept watch of the United States camps every day, and if a party attempted to leave we would make a rush for them and run them into camp again. One day they moved up the creek about four miles, and we saw a vacancy between them and their cattle. We made a rush and drove off seven hundred and fifty head, taking all the fat cattle they had, and some mules. Horses and mules were taken several times after this.
About this time it was noised about that Yates had let the soldiers have his ammunition, and that he was acting the spy for them. One of the Conover boys was on a point near Ham's Fork one day, and saw a lone man traveling towards Green River; be got ahead of him, saw he had a good horse, and halted him, intending to take his horse and let him go. But, after learning his name, Yates, he marched him to Bridger, where he was placed in the big stone corral and a guard placed over him. I was not there when he was brought in. I came to Bridger a few days after he was taken. Thinking there would he no particular use for me for a week or two, I concluded to go home and get some fresh horses, and take home three or four of my men that needed rest.
I will here state that the office I held was that of independent captain, amenable to none but the head commanding general or governor, Brigham Young, unless

my services were particularly needed, in which case I was under obligations to act in concert with other officers.
When ready to start I was asked to take the prisoner, Yates, to the city with me, and agreed to do so. The men with me were a brother of mine, T. J. Hickman, who had come from the States with me the summer previous, John Flack and Lewis Meacham. There was a common trace-chain on Yates' ankle, fastened with a padlock. He had a fine gold watch and nine hundred dollars in gold, all in twenty-dollar gold pieces. The money was given to me to bring into the city with the prisoner, but the watch was kept, and what became of it I never knew.
We traveled about fifty miles and camped on Yellow creek. The next morning we traveled about half-way down Echo Cañon to were the general's headquarters were located, and got breakfast. I delivered General Wells some letters, reported myself, and told him who I had along, and asked him what I should do with my prisoner. He said: "He ought to be killed; but take him on; you will probably get an order when you get to Col. Jones' camp"--which was at the mouth of Echo Cañon on Weber river. After breakfast we started for Jones' camp, some twelve miles distant, and when within three or four miles of the camp, we met Joseph A. Young, a son of Brigham's, going, as he said, to the general's camp to take orders. He hailed me (I being behind) and said his father wanted that man Yates

killed, and that I would know all about it when I got to Jones' camp.
We got there about sundown, and were met outside by Col. Jones, and conducted around under the hill, below and just outside of his camp. He had a fire built for us and sent our horses out, under guard, to grass. He then took me aside and told me he had orders when Yates came along to have him used up, and that was why he had taken me outside of his camp. Supper was brought to us, and Yates soon went to sleep on his blankets. Flack and Meacham spread their blankets and soon went to sleep also. I told them to do it, as I would guard the prisoner until I called them. My brother, being a Gentile, had been sent on to the next station, some ten miles ahead, on business. I remained at our camp-fire until eleven or twelve o'clock that night, several coming and chatting with me.
About this time all was still, and everybody supposed to be in their beds. No person was to be seen, when Col. Jones and two others, Hosea Stout and another man whose name I do not recollect, came to my camp-fire and asked if Yates was asleep. I told them he was, upon which his brains were knocked out with an ax. He was covered up with his blankets and left laying. Picks and spades were brought, and a grave dug some three feet deep near the camp by the fire-light, all hands assisting. Flack and Meacham were asleep when the man was killed, but woke up and saw the grave digging. The body was put in and the dirt well packed on it, after which our camp-fire, which consisted of small wood

and brush, was moved onto the grave in order to prevent notice of a change of ground.^E Our horses were immediately sent for, and we were off before daylight; went to the next station, found my brother, got breakfast, and arrived at Salt Lake that day.
The next day I took the nine hundred dollars, and we all went to headquarters. Flack and I had a talk, as we went, about the money. He said Brigham ought to give that to us as we had already been to more expense than that money amounted to, from horses used up and other losses, and urged me to get it. I told him I would try, saying to him: "You know how much I have been out, and can testify to it, and I think he will give us a part of it, anyway."
Soon after dark Flack and I went to Brigham's office. He asked how things were going on out East, and I told him. He asked what had become of Yates? I told him. He then asked if I had got word from him? I told him that I had got his instructions at Jones' camp, and also of the word I had got from his son Jo. He said that was right, and a good thing. I then told him that I had nine hundred dollars given me to bring in, that Yates had at the time he was captured. I told him of the expense I had been to during the war, and asked him if I might have part of the money? He gave me a reprimand for asking such a thing, and said it must go towards defraying the expenses of the war. I pulled out the sack containing the money, and he told me to give it to his clerk (I do not remember who he was

now). The money was counted, and we left. This knocked all the Mormonism out of Flack, and he has never had a speck of it in him since--making many observations of this and other things, of hard work, obeying Brigham Young, and never allowed one dollar for all he had done.
In a few days I returned East, and found Yates' goods and all his property had been taken, and stock belonging to him and other mountaineers. Soon afterwards Sidney A. Johnston came to the army, took command, and started for Bridger. We gave way, burned the fort, and fell back to Bear River, forty miles west. At this time all the able-bodied men in the Territory were called out. Fortifications were erected at the mouth of Echo Cañon, and the troops concentrated there, while constant guards were kept circling around Bridger.
Johnston arrived there and took possession of all that was left--a stone fort and corral--and commenced preparations for winter quarters. As soon as this was ascertained, our troops began to be liberated and sent home. Snow fell deep, and finally all went home except a few guards who were left to watch the movements of the United States Army. There was a great lack of goods and groceries in Salt Lake that winter, as the merchants traders were not allowed to come in with their goods as had been the case.
After being at home some time, word was sent to me to have my boys look for a man that had got away from a party at what was called the Point of the Mountain, twenty-five miles south of Salt Lake City. Two boys

who were living with me went up the river and returned about noon, and two hours later a messenger came from the city and told me I was wanted at Brigham Young's office immediately. I mounted my horse and was in town in an hour, and went to Young's office. He asked me if I "had seen the boys?" I asked him what boys? and he answered, "Geo. Grant and William Kimball." I told him I had not. I then told him I had got word to come to his office, and wished to know what was wanting. He answered: "The boys have made a bad job of trying to put a man out of the way. They all got drunk, bruised up a fellow, and he got away from them at the Point of the Mountain, came back to this city, and is telling all that happened, which is making a big stink." He said I must get him out of the way and use him up. He told me to go and find the boys, meaning Generals Grant and Kimball, they both being acting generals in the Utah militia at that time, and arrange things with them, so as to have him taken care of.
I found them, and they told me O. P. Rockwell, with a party, had made a bad job and wanted help, and I had been sent for to wind it up. Said they: "Did Brigham tell you what was up?" I told them he did, and had sent me to arrange things. They told me they had things fixed; that when the party, to which this man belonged first came into the territory, they had all stopped twelve miles north of the city, and remained several weeks in the neighborhood where George Dalton lived; that Dalton was in town, and they had got him to see this man (whose name I never heard, only he was

called Buck), and take him home with him, for he had confidence in Dalton. They said Dalton understood it, and they were waiting for me to come and meet him on the road. They then hunted up Dalton, and told him they had things all right now. Dalton was to leave town a little before sundown, and pass the Hot Springs three miles north of the city, and take the lower road on which there was not much travel, and I was to meet him. I was to know his team because both of his horses were white. and he was to drive very fast.
All being arranged, and the sun about an hour high, I got my horse, and the question was then asked how many men I wanted to go with me. I told them I did not want anyone. They said I must have somebody, and I told them then I would take a man that was standing by, by the name of Meacham. They got him a horse, and we went to the place appointed, and just at dark the wagon came. We called to it to halt. The man, Buck, got a shot through the head, and was put across the fence in a ditch. A rag was hung on a bush to know the place.
We returned to the city to Gen. Grant's, as per agreement, and found him at home with Gen. Kimball, O. P. Rockwell, and somebody else whose name I do not recollect now. They asked if all was right, and I told them it was. They got spades, and we all went back, deepened the ditch, put him in and buried him, returned to Grant's, took some whisky, and separated for the night. The next day Kimball and I went to Brigham Young's, told him that Buck was taken care of, and

there would be no more stink about his stories. He said he was glad of it. Buck was the last one of the Aiken's party, of whom there has been considerable said.^F I never saw any of them but this man, and him I never saw until I saw him in the wagon that evening.
Much was said that winter with regard to Johnston's army coming in. Arming, equipping, and a general preparation for fighting was the sole talk and business. During the winter Col. Kane, from Washington, came to Salt Lake City to assist in settling affairs. He went to Fort Bridger and then to Washington. Brigham Young told the people to gather up and start south, and such another moving was scarce ever seen.
About this time President Buchanan sent Gov. Powell, of Kentucky, and Ben McCullough to Salt Lake City to settle the difficulty. Brigham Young and some twenty-five of the principal men of Utah got together. Some speechifying took place concerning the former treatment of the people. The Governor told us the consequences of further resistance, and promised peace in case of submission. Brigham Young sat and heard all that was said, then got up and said: "Well, boys, we will have to let them come in--it is for the best; but never mind, I will take care of you." I was one of the party.
Johnston came in and camped on the west side of the city, and sent word to Brigham that if he did not come back and occupy his houses, they would be taken possession of by the United States troops. Brigham was

only fifty miles south, in Utah Valley, with the principal portion of the inhabitants of Salt Lake City and the northern part of the Territory, and the word immediately went forth, "Everybody to their homes." General Johnston moved his troops to Cedar Valley, forty miles south of Salt Lake City, and built a place known as Camp Floyd. Gov. A. Cummings was appointed to succeed Brigham Young, and new judges and marshal were appointed.
D. R. Eckles, of Indiana, was chief justice, originally a Kentuckian, and a fine clever old gentleman. I did not get acquainted with him for several months after his arrival in the Territory, but after I did I spent many a social evening with him. By writs of habeas corpus I got seven or eight persons out of the probate court jurisdiction and placed them before his honor; gained my case every time by the rulings of the court against probate jurisdiction in criminal cases.
Prejudice existed against me in the United States Army in consequence of the well-known course I had taken, and I did not go about them; while others who had lain back and shoved others ahead that had nerve enough to drive off government stock, now came around saying, "We have done nothing," and got good fat contracts. Much money was lavishly spent, but I got none, and these half-handed Mormon officials would say: "If it were not for such men as Bill Hickman there would be no trouble in our country." It seemed as much as to say: "You have done our fighting and we have no more use for you." I looked at this state of affairs and

thought what a fool I had been. I had spent the fall and winter before, used up several head of horses, and spent a couple of thousand dollars; had assisted in driving in one thousand head of cattle, horses, and mules, and had not received one cent for it; and now others were making money, while I was compelled to lay back. I said to myself: "This has to do this time, but I will try to keep my foot out after this."
I had a sociable time with all the merchants and traders; but, they being speculators, I had no chance to make anything with them. I sold one of the sutlers [settlers?] two thousand dollars' worth of beef cattle at a fair figure, and a few horses at a good price, which was the principal business I did that winter.
During this summer a man by the name of Drown, who had left Salt Lake in '51, returned. His common character was not good. He was charged with stealing horses and cattle before he went away, and was threatened with shooting; but, on his return, promised to quit all his bad practices, paid a widow woman two hundred dollars for a horse he had stolen from her before he left, and seemed to be doing right. But this summer he commenced running to Camp Floyd and telling all the bad stories on the Mormons he knew or could invent, so said. I was at Brigham Young's office one day, and a man by the name of Matthews went with me and sat outside of the door while Brigham and myself had a talk, in which Drown's name was mentioned. Young said he was a "bad man, and should be used up," and

instructed me to do it, and put a stop to his carrying news and horse-stealing.
After getting through talking with him I came out and started off with Matthews, who said: "I have got you this time, and you have done enough; I heard what Brigham told you, and I will attend to that." I told him to never mind, and maybe the man would be better. That night a party got together to give a serenade to one of the editors (Seth M. Blair) of a newspaper just started, called the Mountaineer. Some dozen of us rode down to his house, gave him a few hurras [sic], which were answered by him, and a few short speeches ensued. When we got back into Main Street, we heard Drown had been shot in the thigh also. I knew nothing of how it was done, not knowing Drown was in the city until I heard he was shot. The next day I saw Matthews, who told me he found Drown was in town, got two men and went to the house he was stopping at; knocked at the door, but was refused admittance, when he kicked in the door, shot Drown, and started running around the house, and met a man who he supposed to be Drown, shot at him, and kept on. This happened to be a man by the name of Arnold, a very quiet, unassuming, good old man, who was in the house with Drown, and run out to see who had done the shooting. The shot took effect in his thigh, from which he afterward died.^G
Much has been said about the killing of Drown and Arnold, and it has been laid to me; but these are the

facts just as they occurred. Were it otherwise I would state it as plainly as I have other things. This being a matter much talked about at times, and as Arnold has boys who feel bad about their father being killed, they may know, if they wish, the truth of the whole affair. No doubt they have and will be told other stories by those that know I have stated the truth, in order to screen themselves and throw censure on me, and lead the boys to believe in their innocence and know-nothingism about the affair, which is no uncommon thing among a certain class. Some time after this I was at Brigham Young's office and the subject of Drown's death came up. He said he was glad; it was a good thing, and as far as Arnold was concerned, he had no business to be in such company.
That summer Charles Harrison had a horse stolen from Camp Floyd, which he had bought in Salt Lake City. Hearing it was at Ogden, forty mile north, he got me to go with him to prove his horse; he also got William Woodland, and a man by the name of "Cub" Johnson went along. We stayed in Ogden one day, and the next day started back Johnson getting his brother and wife, who had lived there in a carriage to bring them to the city. A man by the name of Beatty, or Batey, a Californian, who was staying at Ogden, said he was going to the city, and would overtake us.
When he came up he rode past us to the top of the hill, and Johnson said: "What is that d----d rascal doing here? I will settle with him." I told him to behave himself, and supposed all would be quiet, but

on reaching the summit he rode up by Batey's side and slapped him in the face, and Batey slapped him in return. By this time Johnson had his pistol out and shot him. He, however, knocked the pistol down and the shot struck him in the hip. Batey drew his pistol, and Johnson knocked it down as he fired, and it took no effect. Batey then put spurs to his horse and rode off some twenty or thirty steps and turned around, facing Johnson, upon which Johnson shot him dead.
The people living near by were notified of it, and Batey's body was taken to Farmington, eighteen miles north of the city, and Johnson was arraigned before the probate court. It was made to appear that Batey had said something to Johnson's brother's wife that was not right, and Johnson secured his acquittal by giving the county prosecuting attorney a twenty-dollar piece. Some of the stand-ups are even now, while lying seems to be piled up as a fortification for others, saying I killed Batey and took his watch, and this because I got a watch from Harrison, who I was with at the time of the murder. I got two gold watches from Harrison, and then he left the country owing me three hundred and fifty dollars. The evidence is in the county if the grand jury wish to look up the case.

I do not state this as anything of my affair; but as I am giving everything of note that came under my observation, give this. * * * * *

BY THE EDITOR

At this point Hickman gives a voluminous account of his doubts of Brigham Young, the beginning of his skepticism and consequent trouble, which I compress to a few points.

He had been a wild, hard boy in Missouri, had married very young, and joined the Methodist Church soon after; by nature an enthusiast, all the wild energy of his character found vent in the emotional exercises of that sect, and in hot controversy and theological debate. Those observant of religious vagaries in men of more fervor than judgment will not wonder that he reacted from that extreme to the extreme of a hard literalism in Bible doctrine; that his fancy was caught and his judgment captivated by the glorious vision of the Ancient Church restored, with prophets, apostles, and "living oracles" of the Hebrew Jehovah, repeating in the wilds of America all that wonderful story of a gathered Israel fighting its way to a promised land. Many minds will sympathize with this feeling. Of uncultivated conscientiousness and terrible earnestness, he had just enough misguided enthusiasm to easily believe himself one of "God's ministers to smite the enemies of Zion." The Old Testament, the vantage-ground of Mormonism, when taken as our rule of faith, abounds in bloody examples, which this kind of literalism easily turns into bloody teachings; polygamy is not half so easily proved, therefrom, as "blood atonement." The young men of Israel served God by shedding the blood of His enemies. A part of the congregation rebelled, the adherents of

Moses massacred them; a few thousand took idolatrous wives, and their brethren slaughtered them; Sisera tyrannized over God's people, and Jael killed him; Athalia usurped the government, the high priest had her slain; Eglon set up a despotism, and Ehud stabbed him.
From these records Mormonism, draws the inspiration of its doctrines--polygamy along with the rest. Then all the native earnestness of Hickman turned to religious fanaticism: anything was "God's service" which "built up the kingdom"; anyone who stood in the way was an enemy of God; Brigham was the "mouth-piece of God to this generation," and Hickman was to obey his orders even to smiting all who would "hinder the march of Israel." But there came a time when he could no longer believe so implicitly. His first doubts, by his statement, were caused by the numerous prophecies uttered by Brigham before the Mormon War, everyone of which proved untrue. It is a singular fact that in the Mormon Journals themselves are found scores of predictions and statements by Brigham which have been utterly falsified. Besides, Hickman got to know him too well. "Familiarity breeds contempt," even with a prophet. There are so many petty meannesses in the business management of Brigham Young, and so many social errors and acts of personal injustice in intercourse with others, that a majority of those who know him most intimately are apostates.
Often when Hickman was reporting to him, he pronounced persons guilty of certain crimes of which Hickman from his better knowledge of the facts, knew they were innocent. Soon after the foul murder of Hartley, Hickman was thoroughly convinced that he was an innocent man. In his conversation with me, that was the only one of all his crimes to which he referred with horror. Though "seared as with a hot iron," no conscience could sustain that dreadful burden and be at ease. But by this time Hickman had gone too far. He had begun as an executor of lynch law justice, killing men actually guilty of crime. From that he killed those the Church pronounced guilty; then by a graduation in crime, which all such biographies show to be natural, he killed whomsoever Brigham Young and Orson Hyde told him to; and lastly, so regular is the growth of crime in man, he killed on his own account.
According to his statement, he would gladly have left Utah in 1860 could he have done so with his family; but he knew too much, and before he could safely break with the Church he had fighting of his own to do.
The remaining history of his life is a melancholy record of struggles--against the Church on one side and personal enemies on the other.

Notes

(Taken from Appendixes E through H of the original publication, pages 205-212)

Through the indefatigable labors of United States Marshals and detectives, the entire history of Yates has been made known. His wife, residing at present in Nevada and married again, has written to Salt Lake enclosing photographs of the murdered man, taken a short time before his death. She had always supposed he was killed by the Indians. His remains have been disinterred from the spot named by Hickman, and the chain of evidence is complete. Hosea Stout, a Mormon lawyer of considerable prominence, who was arrested for complicity in this murder, and on Hickman's testimony, admits that Yates was killed as a spy;

insists that he was not present and had no knowledge of the transaction; that Yates was delivered to Hickman to be taken to the city, and neither he nor any other officer saw him again.

[The different spellings of Aikin and Aiken are found in the original]

Of all the cowardly and cold-blooded acts which have made the Mormon Priesthood infamous this wholesale murder of the Aikin party stands pre-eminent. Second to that of Mountain Meadow only in extent it even excels it in wanton cruelty, treachery, and violation of every principle of hospitality, that virtue held sacred even by marauding Arabs or wild Indians, by all savages except Mormon fanatics. Fourteen years had the blood of these victims cried from the ground before the whole truth was known, and now, with the establishment of national power in Utah, a cloud of witnesses rise, and every incident in the tragedy is fully proved. From the evidence before the grand jury and in possession of the officers, I condense the history of the Aikin party, and their treacherous murder. The party consisted of six men: John Aikin, William Aikin, ---- Buck, a man known as "Colonel," and two others whose names the witnesses do not remember. They included a blacksmith, a carpenter, on or two traders, and others whose business was unknown, but they were suppose to be "sporting men." They left Sacramento early in May, 1857, going eastward to meet Johnston's army, as was supposed. On reaching the Humboldt River they found the Indians very bad, and waited for a train of the Mormons from Carson, who were ordered home about that time. With them they completed the Journey. John Pendleton, one of that Mormon party, in his testimony on the case says: "A better lot of boys I never saw. They were kind, polite, and brave; always ready to do anything needed on the road."
The train traveled slowly, so the Aikin party left it a hundred miles out and came ahead, and on reaching Kaysville, twenty-five miles north of Salt Lake City, they were

all arrested on the charge of being spies for the Government! A few days after Pendleton and party arrived and recognized their horses in the public Corral. On inquiry he was told the men had been arrested as spies, to which he replied, "Spies, h-ll! Why, they've come with us all the way--know nothing about the Army." They Party in charge answered that they "did not care, they would keep them." The Aikin party had stock, property, and money estimated at $25,000.
They were then taken to the city and confined in a house at the corner of Main and First South Streets. Nothing being proved against them they were told they would be "sent out of the Territory by the Southern route." Four of them started, leaving Buck and one of the unknown men in the city. The party had for an escort, O. P. Rockwell, John Lot, ---- Miles, and one other. When they reached Nephi, one hundred miles south. Rockwell informed the Bishop, Bryant, that his orders were to "have the men used up there." Bishop Bryant called a council at once, and the following men were selected to assist: J. Bigler (now a Bishop,) P. Pitchforth, his "first councillor," John Kink, and ---- Pickton.
The doomed men were stopping at T. B. Foote's and some persons in the family afterwards testified to having heard the council that condemned them. The selected murderers, at 11 p. m., started from the Tithing House and got ahead of the Aikins', who did not start till daylight. The latter reached the Sevier River, when Rockwell informed them they could find no other camp that day; they halted, when the other party approached and asked to camp with them, for which permission was granted. The weary men removed their arms and heavy clothing, and were soon lost in sleep--that sleep which for two of them was to have no waking on earth. All seemed fit for their damnable purpose, and yet the murderers hesitated. As near as can be determined, they still feared that all could

not be done with perfect secrecy, and determined to use no firearms. With this view the escort and the party from Nephi attacked the sleeping men with clubs and the kingbolts of the wagons. Two died without a struggle. But John Aiken bounded to his feet, but slightly wounded, and sprang into the brush. A shot from the pistol of John Kink laid him senseless. "Colonel" also reached the brush, receiving a shot in the shoulder from Port Rockwell, and believing the whole party had been attacked by banditti, he made his way back to Nephi. With almost superhuman strength he held out during the twenty-five miles, and the first bright rays of a Utah sun showed the man, who twenty-four hours before had left them handsome and vigorous in the pride of manhood, now ghastly pale and drenched with his own blood, staggering feebly along the streets of Nephi. He reached Bishop Foote's, and his story elicited a well-feigned horror.
Meanwhile the murderers had gathered up the other three and threw them into the river, supposing all to be dead. But John Aiken revived and crawled out on the same side, and hiding in the brush, heard these terrible words:
"Are the damned Gentiles all dead, Port?"
"All but one--the son of a b---- ran."

Supposing himself to be meant Aikin lay still till the Danites left, then, without hat, coat, or boots, on a November night, the ground covered with snow, he set out for Nephi. Who can imagine the feelings of the man? Unlike "Colonel" he knew too well who the murderers were, and believed himself the only survivor, To return to Nephi offered but slight hope, but it was the only hope, and incredible as it may appear he reached it next day. He sank helpless at the door of the first house he reached, but the words he heard infused new life into him. "Why, another of you ones got away from the robbers, and is at Brother Foote's." "Thank God; it is my brother," he said, and started on.

The citizens tell with wonder that he ran the whole distance, his hair clotted with blood, reeling like a drunken man all the way. It was not his brother, but "Colonel." The meeting of the two at Foote's was too affecting for language to describe. They fell upon each other's necks, clasped their blood-spattered arms around each others, and mingled tears and sobs kissed and embraced as only men can who together have passed through death. A demon might have shed rears at the sight--but not a Mormon Bishop. The fierce tiger can be lured from his prey, the bear may become civilized, or the hyena be tamed of his lust for human flesh--religious fanaticism alone can triupmh [sic] over all tenderness, and make man tenfold more the child of hell then the worst passions of mere physical nature. Even while gazing upon this scene, the implacables were deciding upon their deaths.
Bishop Bryant came, extracted the balls, dressed the wounds, and advised the men to return, as soon as they were able, to Salt lake City. A son of Bishop Foote had proved their best friend, and Aikin requested him to take his account in writing of the affair. Aiken began to write it, but was unable, and begged young Foote to do it which be did. That writing, the dying declaration of "Colonel" and John Aiken, is in existence to-day.
The murderers had returned and a new plan was concocted, "Colonel" had saved his pistol and Aiken his watch, a gold one, worth at least $210. When ready to leave they asked the bill, and were informed it was $30. They promised to send it from the city, and were told that "would not do." Aiken then said, "Here is my watch and my partner's--pistol--take your choice," Foote took the pistol. When he handed it to him, Aikin said; "There, take my best friend. But God knows it will do us no good." Then to his partner, with tears streaming from his eyes, "Prepare for death, Colonel, we will never get out of this valley alive."
According to the main witness, a woman of Nephi, all

regarded them as doomed. They had got four miles on the road, when their driver, a Mormon named Wollf, stopped the wagon near an old cabin; informed them he must water his horses; unhitched them, and moved away. Two men then stepped from the cabin, and fired with double-barreled guns; Aikin and "Colonel were both shot through the head, and fell dead from the wagon. Their bodies were then loaded with stone and put in one of those "bottomless springs"--so called--common in that part of Utah.
I passed the place in 1869, and heard from a native the whispered rumors about "some bad men that were sunk in that spring." The scenery would seem to shut out all idea of crime, and irresistibly awaken thoughts of heaven. The soft air of Utah is around; above the blue sky smiles as if it were impossible there could be such things as sin or crime; and the neat village of Nephi brightens the plain, as innocently fair as if it had not witnessed a crime as black and dastardly as ever disgraced the annals of the civilized world.
Meanwhile Rockwell and party had reached the city, taken Buck and the other man, and started southward, plying them with liquor. It is probable that Buck only feigned drunkenness; but the other man was insensible by the time they reached the Point of the Mountain. There it was decided to "use them up," and they were attacked with slung-shots and billies. The other man was instantly killed. Buck leaped from the wagon, outran his pursuers, their shots missing him, swam the Jordan, and come down it on the west side. He reached the city and related all that occurred, which created quite a stir. Hickman was then sent for to "finish the job," which he did, as related in the text.
The last of the Aikin party lies in an unmarked grave--even with Hickman's directions it cannot now be found--and for fourteen years their murderers have gone unpunished. The man most guilty is accounted a hero, and even

now it appears that justice may be defeated through the mere indifference of Government.

Hickman's account of Drown and Arnold differs very much from the popular account in Utah. Judge Cradlebaugh says that Drown has sued Hickman on a promissory note and obtained a judgment, which led to a quarrel. Nor did I ever hear the charge of horse-stealing before I saw Hickman's manuscript.
But according to the best testimony of the best men who were then members of the Mormon Church, it was not for stealing or any other crime these men were killed, but for apostasy and spiritualism! This may sound ridiculous, but it is a singular fact that there is no other form of apostasy the Mormon Priesthood so fear, hate, and curse, and no kind of mysticism to which apostate Mormons are so prone, as spiritualism. The whole body of the Church seems only to be kept therefrom by constantly hearing from the Priesthood that it is the "doings of the devil," and nothing seems to interest a young and skeptical Mormon so quickly as "circles, seances, visions, shadowy hands, and conjurations with boxes, "pendulum oracles," planchette, and every kind of forbidden and diabolical nonsense.
Drown and Arnold were spiritualists, and were holding a "circle"--or seance--with one or two others, when the house was attacked--as testified to by a reliable man who was present.

Like the foregoing this case differs materially from the popular account in Utah, But the case was never fully investigated. The Mormon Legislature has, practically, provided for the shooting of any who attempt the virtue of a woman; and the Mormons boast load and long that this "killing in defense of virtue" is the glory of their system.

The idea that woman might be so elevated and educated as to be the best guardian of her own honor, never seems to have entered their heads. Theirs is simply the Asiatic idea modernized: woman belongs to man, and it is to punish any infringement on his property; if a man entice away another's horse or cow, punish him acocrding [sic] to its value, and as woman is of most value, if he persuade her away, shoot him.

THE DAILY TRIBUNE: SALT LAKE CITY, TUESDAY, JULY 3, 1887

THE MORMONS IN NAUVOO.

---------------

Three Letters from William Law on Mormonism.

---------------

AN HONEST MAN'S VIEW AND REMORSE.

---------------

The Nauvoo Hell--Its Deviltries Touched Upon--The Sort of "Kingdom of God" Joseph Smith Fixed up for Himself--A Plain Portrayal.

---------------

EDITOR TRIBUNE:--Dr. Wyl, author of "Mormon Portraits," has made a study of Mormonism in its past and present; has so penetrated its secret machinations and wicked workings, and presented such an array of facts, that his book is the most valuable on the subject that has ever been published. If there are any errors they are only in dates, names and minor details, and of no importance to the history and the facts--mistakes only of memory and small matters that affect nothing. It is to be remembered, however, that Dr. Wyl has not willfully misrepresented anything, but has good foundation even for incidents in which he cannot relate minutest particulars correctly. Considering the time that has elapsed since the history of this "peculiar people" began, the distant or obscure places where the acts were committed, the lying spirit of the fraud, and the character of the people, and the willful perversion of facts recorded by themselves in their own history of the "church," he has produced a wonderful work.
But Dr. Wyl continues the study of the system and produces new testimony, or rather old testimony from parties whom he has ferreted out, who kept themselves aloof from writers and interviewers. In his investigations he is presistent [sic] and cannot be bluffed or turned aside. His knowledge of human nature, is insight and foresight enable him to wind his way into the confidence of his subjects, and draw from them truths that they would otherwise unwillingly reveal.
By the merest accident, while Dr. Wyl was in Denver, preparing his second volume of "Mormon Portraits" he learned that Mr. William Law, whilom [who was?] Jos. Smith's "counselor" in Nauvoo, is still alive, and practicing medicine in Wisconsin. Dr. Wyl set his wits to work on obtaining information from Mr. Law, and to have the pleasure of interviewing him. He wrote to the gentleman and received three letters in reply to his several letter of inquiry. Mr. Law absolutely refused to be interviewed. A fund of valuable, reliable testimony was elicited by this correspondence and subsequently by aid of the mediation of Mr. Law's son an interview was obtained containing the most interesting disclosures, and incidents in the life of Mormonism in Nauvoo while Mr. Law resided there.
We give below a copy of three letters received by Dr. Wyl fro Dr. William Law, in which will be seen the honesty, truthfulness and sincerity of the writer, and that he feels it an eternal disgrace to be mentioned even that he lived among such an infamous community, although opposing their diabolical teachings and corrupt practices. The old gentleman is exceedingly sensitive and really condemns himself for his innocent weakness. In being once with such a treasonable, wicked crew, running under the name of religion.

LETTER I.

SHULLSBURG, Wis., Jan. 7, 1887.
Dr. W. Wyl:--Dear Sir: I received yours of the 24th ult. also your book. Please accept thanks. I have not been well for three or four weeks, hence delay answering. You say it is very important to you to know, "if I am the Law who played such an important part in the Nauvoo events of 1843 and 1844." I am unfortunately the one. I cannot see how you are at all interested in my identity, for I assure you I have retired for ever from the Mormon controversy. When I left Nauvoo I left Mormonism behind, believing that I had done my part faithfully, even at the risk of my life, and believing. also, that the Expositor would continue to do the work it was intended to do. The Smiths thought they had killed it; whereas, by destroying the press, they gave it a new lease of life and extra power to overthrow them and drive their followers from the State. I have looked over your book, and am astonished at the amount of matter you have gathered together; it seems to me that you know at least ten times as much about Mormonism as I do, or ever did. I never resided with the Mormons as a people, only during my short stay in Nauvoo. I think that to have a thorough knowledge of any people it is necessary to live amongst them a considerable length of time. Before reading your book I had but very little knowledge of the family history of the Smiths or Rigdon; had never inquired into the particulars. After I left Nauvoo I did not care or trouble myself about them. I had no personal knowledge of the swindling and other wicked doing at Kirtland, nor did I know anything about the Missouri trouble; was told that their troubles in Ohio and Missouri all grew out of "religious persecution." I went from my home in Canada to Navuoo and found a very poor, but industrious people; they appeared to be moral and religiously disposed; the Smiths and others preached morality and brotherly kindness every Sunday. I saw nothing wrong until after the city charter was obtained. A change was soon apparent; the laws of the country were set at defiance and although outwardly everything was smooth, the under current was most vile and obnoxious. Time revealed to me and to many others much that we had not even suspected. We were kept in the dark as long as possible and held up before the public as examples of the Mormon people. Well, you know what followed. I believe you have endeavored to give a true account or history of the Mormons and Mormonism and I think you have succeeded wonderfully well. Your informants, however, may, now and then, have drawn a little on their imagination, may have reached false conclusions in some instances judged from circumstances and not from facts; doing injustice, perhaps, to the innocent. Where testimony conflicts it is sometimes very difficult to form conclusions. Mormon history is rather a mixed up affair. I would call your attention to one or two little mistakes concerning myself. You say I was a general in the Nauvoo legion. I never was, never held a commission of any kind in it. I sometimes (by request) assisted in drilling the men. having a little knowledge of military tactics. My Brother Wilson held a general's commission from Governor Carlin. My brother was not a Mormon. On page 108 you speak of "swapping wives," and state that you have it from one who knows. Now let me say to you that I never heard of it till I read it in your book. Your informant must have been deceived or willfully lied to you. Joseph Smith never proposed anything of the kind to me or to my wife; both he and Emma knew our sentiments in relation to spiritual wives and polygamy; knew that we were immoveably [sic] opposed to polygamy in any and every form; that we were so subsequent events proved. The story may have grown out of the fact that Joseph offered to furnish his wife, Emma, with a substitute for him, by way of compensation for his neglect of her, on condition that she would forever stop her opposition to polygamy and permit him to enjoy his young wives in peace and keep some of them in her house and to be well treated, etc.
The great mistake of my [life was my] having anything to do with Mormonism. I feel [it to] be a deep disgrace and never speak of it when I can avoid it; for over forty years I have been almost entirely silent on the subject and will so continue after his. Accept my kind regards.
Wm. Law.

In the foregoing it will be seen that Mr. Law was innocent of the many evils that existed in Nauvoo, hence he can can [sic] tell but little, but that little is true and of value; and being unsuspecting in disposition he does not pretend to know all, but what he knew he knew. He believed for years the "priesthood" tales of persecution, without inquiring or questioning. On "exchange of wives" he was not fully informed, but there is abundant testimony that it was practiced there frequently.
His remarks on the Nauvoo Charter are in consonance with the whole history, spirit and purpose of Mormonism, and it is valuable at the present time when the "Church" and its "heads" are clamoring for Statehood. Let the words of Dr. Law, which are the expression of his experience forty-four years ago, be kept in memory: "I saw nothing wrong until after the City Charter was obtained. A change was soon apparent, the laws of the country were set at defiance, and although outwardly everything was smooth, the undercurrent was vile and obnoxious. Time revealed to me and many others much that we had not suspected." etc. Let our Gentile friends fast read and ponder, and our fellow citizens in Utah be prepared to avert the fearful evil and its consequences of Statehood in Utah as present.
We can see now more clearly as we have seen all along, that Joseph Smith withdrew his proffer to give Emma a "substitute", for it is so stated between the lines in the pseudo "revelation" on polygamy and all corroborative of Dr. Law's Testimony.
Sidney Rigdon "was a disappointed man" indeed! He, the originator of the fraud, the manipulator of Spalding's story into the "Book of Mormon," a visionary and speculator on the teachings and prophecies of Scripture, aspired to be a Church founder and a leader, as were the Campbells, and he used young Joseph Smith, the peep-stone fellow, for that end, but Joe liked the ruse, like the honor himself and kept Sidney back as well as he could. Sidney now and then appeared as the "head," as when he washed Joe's feet in imitation of Jesus washing his followers' feet. Sidney, the originator of Mormonism "was disappointed."

LETTER II

SHULLSBURG, La Fayette Co., Wis. Jan. 20, 1887.

Dr. W. Wyl: Sir: I duly received yours of the 12th inst. I now reply: in looking over your book again. I remain of the opinion that your knowledge of Mormonism or the leaders of it is very extensive and as I said before, far greater than mine. I admit also, that the work may do some good in the world; and yet to me it brings humiliation, deep mortification and pain. The case stands like this: in your book you give a most appalling, black and horrible history (true, no doubt) of the Smiths. Rigdon and many others, leaders and members of the organization, show them guilty of almost every form of crime and abomination, murderers, robbers, thieves, swindlers, perjurers, fornicators, adulterers, polygamists denying the laws of God and man, a people not fit to live with or to associate with in any way. And then you go on to speak of different individuals, amongst them Wilson law and William Law as generals in the Nauvoo Legion, and that William Law also held the office of "vice-president" of the Church. You say, however, that the Laws were a "pretty good kind of men," and "would not be forced to prostitute their wives and daughters" etc. For this admission I thank you. Now see how this looks before the world! Associated with; residing with and doing business among such fiends, no matter how we endeavored to redeem ourselves, how we risked our lives and sacrificed our property, the world will only see the dark side that is given, for somehow it is natural for most people to see the faults and errors of their fellow beings, rather than the good that may be in them. For more than forty years I have kept Mormonism and all my past connected with it, out of my mind, and away from my friends and acquaintances so far as possible. Have never read any of the books published about the Mormons; never read Bennett's book, have kept no papers published in Nauvoo; haven't a scrap of any kind; the only number of the Expositor I had, some one carried off. My wife (at an early day) burned up the Book of Mormon and the Doctrine and Covenants. She said no Mormon work could find a place in her house. We have lived down a great measure the disgrace following our unfortunate association with the Mormons. We committed a great error, but no crime. This is my consolation, that we only erred in judgment.
I said that in your book you spoke rather favorably of my brother and myself; of my wife, however, your remarks were far from flattering. She, were she living, would consider them insulting. You said she was much "admired and desired" by Smith; that Smith admired and lusted after many men's wives and daughters, is a fact, no doubt; but they could not help that. They or most of them considered his admiration an insult, and treated him with scorn. In return for this scorn, he generally managed to blacken their reputations--see the case of your friend, Mrs. Pratt, a good, virtuous woman. I will now take the trouble of showing you just how my wife and Joe Smith stood toward each other. Sometime in 1843 (I think), he ordered the Twelve to meet, and cut off from the Church William Law and his wife, also Dr. Foster, and to publish it in he Times aud Seasons at once. They did so. A few days after I saw the notice in the paper, I think it was the same day, met Elder John Taylor and remarked to him: You have been cutting off my wife and me from the Church. I asked him what the charges were, and who had made them. He said: "Brother Joseph ordered you cut off." He said further that Joseph had known for a long time that we were apostates, and further that my wife had been speaking evil of him for a long time; he had found it out, said she had slandered him, had lied about him without cause. I said: "Elder Taylor, my wife would not speak evil of yourself or anyone else without good cause. Joseph is the liar and not she, and as to the cutting off, it is illegal and contrary to the laws of the Church to cut off or condemn without a trial, simply by the command of a base tyrant, but you can tell His Majesty that we withdrew from the Church months ago; so his cutting off comes too late." My wife is dead over four years, and a truer, purer, more faithful wife never lived. My brother Wilson is also dead, these ten years. He stood by me in all my troubles at Nauvoo, risking his life, defying the "Destroying Angels" and all the rest of them. You would not wonder then that the reputation and memory of such a wife and such a brother, should be as dear to me as life itself.
You asked me if the Expositor continued? No. When I spoke of its work continuing. I meant that its destruction gave it a new life and power to destroy its destroyers. For it was the chief factor in bringing about the death of the Smiths, and the expulsion of the Mormons from the State of Illinois. As to Emma's deathbed declaration, it was like her life, FALSE. If she ever had any good in her, Smith so demoralized her, that she had none left. Anything for money and power and gratification while she lived, and the same to her sons after her. She and the Smiths, as many as I knew, were infidels, if not atheists, at least I believe so.
As to the history of Joseph Smith, I have but little to add to your knowledge of him. One trait was his jealousy of his friends, lest any of them should be esteemed before him in the eyes of the Church or of the public. He would destroy his best friend for the sake of a few hundred dollars. It was his policy to get away with a man's money, first, because he wanted it, and second, because he believed that in getting a man's money he deprived him of power and position, and left him in a measure helpless and dependent. He was a tyrant; self-exaltation and gratification of his grosser passions with an entire disregard of others rights. [sic] And of all morality, led to his destruction at last. Hyrum Smith was as evil as Joseph, but with less ability; he had, I think a little more caution. Joseph had a wonderful memory. Hyrum was short in that; was a very poor public talker, but a pretty good secret worker. Sidney Rigdon was very close. I could never fairly understand him. While I knew him he appeared like a disappointed man, very retired in his ways. He professed to be a great Biblical historian; he was an eloquent preacher. I can hardly think he intended to be a bad man; would be leader if he could. Bennett was a scoundrel, but very smart. I never became closely acquainted with him. Joseph thought he was using him, and he was using Joseph. They were a bad pair. Bennett wrote out the Nauvoo charter and was perhaps the one who got it granted. It was a wonderful charter; gave too much power; it was a curse to the Mormons. The Higbee boys (or young men) were strong supporters of the Smiths until the death of their father; after that event they became bitter enemies; it was whispered that heir father had been foully dealt by, the Smiths being the cause; I never knew the facts; I believe the boys meant to do right.
Dr. Foster was an Englishman, a fine surgeon and a wholehearted man, when I knew him. He was zealous in the cause, until he found out the wickedness of the Smiths and other leaders. He stood by me faithfully throughout our troubles, left Nauvoo with me and remained near me for more than a year, his family and mine being close friends. He afterwards moved south and I lost track of him. I never knew much of Orson Pratt, as he was off on missions most of the time that I was in Nauvoo. Brigham Young was a deep, quiet, wicked man; kept his thoughts mostly to himself; I never understood him. John D. Lee was a leader in the Danite band; I knew but little of him.
I cannot think of anything that you do not know already. For forty-five years I have kept from thinking (as far as I could) of my horrible experiences in Nauvoo; the dangers through which my family and myself and my brother passed; the disgrace attached to our names, on account of our association with such a gang. Consequently I have forgotten many things that I once knew; cannot bring them to my mind and it is exceedingly painful to me to try to remember anything connected with Mormonism; you must therefore be content with the effort that I have made; with what little information I have given you. I do not wish to be discourteous; but I cannot be interviewed. I have denied many others and must deny you. I trust you will not be offended, I am now in my 78th year and these things annoy me very much. I wish to pass the remainder of my life in quiet, in peace if I can. Since my wife's death I have been very lonesome and unhappy; while she lived I got along very well. I have prospered very much, notwithstanding Joseph's curse; I have done a large medical practice--think I have been fairly successful; am retiring from it as fast as I can.
I will say now, that were you here I could not give you any more information than I have already given. We will therefore drop the matter just here. Wishing you success.
I am yours, Wm. Law.

In this letter he keenly feels the disgrace of his association with the Mormon fraud. His sensitiveness makes him unjustly condemn himself. But no honorable person will so apply [a] stigma to him. The theory of the Mormon "religion" is calculated to deceive the masses; it is the practical part, the hidden mysteries and treasonable purposes of the institution that are so mischievons [sic]; and when a man drawn by false pretense, and pions [pious?] presumption into such a vortex of iniquity, rids himself of its pollution, and manfully opposes its arrogance; he is to be praised rather than censured.
Mr. Law shows the low cunning of the Church in making a virtue of "cutting off" members who withdraw, in order that the Church may hold up its hands in hold horror at sin, and try to blacken the character of people much their superior in morals, intellect and disposition. The same "dodge" is carried on still, but the public see through the little farce. Mormonism has learned nothing during its infamous history, and is no better now than when it ordered United States troops out of the Territory, and the spirit of its teachings led to murder at Mountain Meadows and many other places. Mr. Law shows that the Nauvoo City charter was a curse to the "Saints"--it gave them political power, as it would be a dreadful curse to Utah, and to none so much as to the Mormons, to bestow Statehood now on a rebellious community hiding from, or protecting those who hide from, or protecting those who hide from the consequences of persistent law-breaking.
With what discrimination and truthfulness does he describe the persons alluded to in his letters. And yet the "half is not told," and never will be until eternity discloses the acts and infidelity and deception of the "church" if eternity will ever do it.

LETTER III.

SHULLSBURG, Wis., January 27, 1887.

Dr. W. Wyl:--Dear Sir: Have just received your very kind letter and hasten to thank you for the good will expressed therein. I suppose you will have left Denver when this reaches that place. Years ago, soon after I left Nauvoo I was annoyed very frequently by receiving letters from parties asking for interviews and items about Nauvoo and the Mormons. I got tired of it all and said that no man or woman should ever interview me on that subject, and none ever shall. I am heartily sick of it all. I wish you all the success you can desire and think you must admit that I have done pretty well by you, and I wish you to believe me when I say that I have forgotten many things, which might be interesting. I cannot help it, would give you more information if I could. Will mention one item in relation to the Book of Mormon. You will find in the Book of Jacob (I think) a strong condemnation of polygamy. Read a little further and you will find; "If I the Lord will raise up a pure seed unto myself. I will command my people," or words to this effect. I have no Book of Mormon and may not quote correctly. This last passage opened a door for Joseph to command the priesthood to get all the wives they could and raise a pure seed to the Lord (I say to the Devil).
Young Joe Smith, President of the "Reorganized," is a "chip off the old block" and would be just as bad as his father if he had the ability. David Whitmer is a crank and always was and so was Martin Harris.
I shall say no more. I wish you God speed, and goodbye.Yours, Wm. Law

We can all sympathize with William Law, and thank him that even now his last words will vindicate him. The laws were honest, upright men; William was Joseph's counselor, and a prominent citizen, drawn into Mormonism by guile, their course was honorable, and their characters pure; they were held up as such by Smith and his associates, and were a source of pride to the "church." When, however, Mr. Law saw the immoral conduct of the leaders, learned their true purpose, and realized that their ambition was to subvert our republican principles, and make their adherents a brand of rebels, he and his friends withdrew from the unholy alliance like honest men. Joseph "cursed" him for effect, but--he was not cursed. What though Smith tried to blacken his character and that of his wife? The church has always pursued that course; and does so to this day, to better men and women than the maligners [sic] ever were.
His latest testimony will do much to inform the country as to the beliefs--falsely called religious--designs and secret practices of the Mormon system to blind the eyes of American citizens, destroy our Republican Institutions under the guise of religion, and to build up the most tyrannic theocracy the world has ever seen, or fanatical and corrupt minds ever imagined.
We are authorized to state that Dr. Wyl went to Shullsburg, Wisconsin, and succeeded in having an interview with the good man, William Law. He first visited Judge Law, his son, and by his mediation was introduced to the father. Dr. Wyl assures us that he secured such points and facts as put into the shade everything that has hitherto been published--facts showing the infamous history of the people of Nauvoo, during the reign of the Smiths and their apostles. We are promised the report of the interview which occupies fifty pages in the writer's journal.
INVESTIGATOR.
SALT LAKE CITY, June 20, 8187 [sic].

http://www.xmission.com/~country/reason/lawint1.htm 3/14/03 4:12 PM

THE DAILY TRIBUNE: SALT LAKE CITY, SUNDAY MORNING, JULY 31, 1887.

THE LAW INTERVIEW.

----------

Elsewhere in this impression will be seen an interview between Wm. Law and Dr. Wyl. Of course THE TRIBUNE cannot vouch for the truth of the statements of Mr. Law; but he was for a long time First Counselor to JOSEPH SMITH; he was better loved than almost any other man by the Mormons; it seems he is now reverenced by his neighbors as one of the most loveable of men. He broke with the SMITHS when he found what a measureless and wicked fraud he had become involved in; he started a newspaper in Nauvoo to expose that fraud, but it, with the office, was destroyed by a mob shortly after the first edition was printed. Men here whose honesty no one doubts, vouch for the perfect truthfulness and superior abilities of the man. The career of JOSEPH SMITH, as portrayed in this interview, is something fearful when we consider that he pretended to be an oracle of God; but it was practically repeated in this valley. How a delusion so awful can continue to hold in thralldom the minds of men in other ways sensible, is one of the marvels of the age. A creed founded on fraud and enforced by assassination, here in this free country is most strange. That any pure woman was ever persuaded to accept its cruelties is only accountable on the theory that some women delight in sacrifice, if thereby they imagine that they are serving God. How any Government with all the accumulating proof can sill regard this as a religion and entrust with political power the men who entertained it, is beyond all comprehension. To Gentiles of Utah this story of JOSEPH SMITH'S life and ways in Nauvoo; the patching of one revelation to make it in accord with another; the preying upon women; the financial dishonor; the treachery in politics; the means resorted to to silence enemies; they have seen all this paralleled right here, and yet have seen the chief instrument in all the filth and wickedness worshipped [sic] as a god. If it was possible here why was it not in Nauvoo? It seems to us there is no remedy for the hallucination except to strike all power from this creed, and all men who believe in it, and then compel the children to attend school and to study mathematics and the other exact sciences, until their eyes shall be opened. The reference to the wife of JOSEPH SMITH clears up much which has always been obscure. Had she been all that the Saints here pictured her to be, her course could only be explained on the theory of woman's devotion. If she and her husband were working in accord to delude the rabble, then the whole thing is plain, because a vicious woman is more vicious than a vicious man. If she knew that another man had to make good the sums belonging to others that her husband had spent, and felt neither sorrow nor remorse, then she was bad clear through. If all SMITH'S property was in her name, then she was bad clear through. A man may secure his wife a homestead; if, when rich, he puts all his property in her name, it means he has acquired his means dishonestly, or is meditating a steal.

DR. WYL AND WM. LAW.

-------------

A Deeply Interesting Talk on Old Nauvoo Days.

------------

ASTOUNDING REVELATIONS OF DARKNESS

------------

Political Chicanery, Trickery, Deceit and Murder--Licentiousness and Fraud--Drunkeness and Avariciousness--Robbing Men of Their Money to Make Them Submissive--An Unprecedented Interview.

------------

EDITOR TRIBUNE:--In your issue of July 3rd, by your courtesy, we gave a copy each of three letters from William Law, once one of the "heads" of the Mormon "Church," to Dr. W. Wyl. Those letters spoke for themselves as from a truthful, conscientious and intelligent man, still suffering in his feelings from his former connection with the religious and political fraud, Mormonism. In the remarks accompanying the letters, in your paper, we stated that Dr. Wyl had succeeded in obtaining an interview with the venerable Dr. Law--a privilege never accorded to any interviewer before, and we said that it would be furnished ere long for the information and study of your many readers.
In perusing this interview we are impressed with the goodness of heart, the honestly of purpose, the hatred of imposition under guise of religion and politics, and the remorse of soul in being caught in the meshes of such a corrupt and deceitful class of religious adventurers and speculators, displayed by the good old man; and we see, as well, the innocent, unsuspicious and confiding gentleman and Christian becoming a dupe in the system by the pretension and sophistical arguments of the delusion. Many fearful deeds and horrible acts were perpetrated in Nauvoo, of which he knew nothing, and only whisperings and innuendoes caught his ear of many of the dark plots and secrets. But when their trickery and treason became so bold and daring his eyes with those of many other good men and women, were opened and they saw more and more that shocked their sensibilities and they exposed the hypocrisy and schemes of the unholy priesthood. Like an honest man, that had the courage of his convictions, he dared to beard the lions in their dens, dared to speak out, and try to counteract the designs of the leaders. His statement of the false revelation on polygamy is interesting as showing how it was tinkered up afterwards to make it more plausible, and, also, that as in many of the so-called revelations of that church many alterations were effected to deceive the credulous and uncritical. Poor innocent Mr. Law thought that Joe Smith would repudiate the document and pronounce it false, but the dear Mrs. Law knew more of Joe's falsity, impure teachings and practices than did the man, and she said at once that the false prophet would declare it was from God.
The low cunning and deceit of Joe and Hyrum Smith--par nobile fratrum!!--on the political question is well exposed by their dragging in their God to father their little schemes. Let the reader notice well how the brothers

WORKED AND DECEIVED

Both [sic] political parties to their selfish end. Joe's nefarious ending of the presumption and double dealing is a study of itself that all those who sympathize with Mormon politics under the mask of "rights" would do well to consider. It is no better now, and would be no better hereafter--Mormonism never learns or improves. It is well-known that the heads and feet of the Mormon Church pose and pretend that they are Democrats, but if both houses of Congress were largely Republican the Mormons would be Republican too, to gain an end, especially Statehood. This is proved beyond contradiction to be true by the fact that both "apostle" Geo. A. Smith and "apostle" Geo. Q. Cannon, representing the "church" by Brigham's revelation were sent to and presented themselves as Republicans delegates at the great Republican convention held a few years ago in Philadelphia--they were rejected, however, and the American gentleman and patriot, Judge McKean with another were accepted; and from the other fact that Geo. Q. Cannon, as Delegate from Utah appeared upon the Records of Congress as Democrat and as Republican in two different terms. Legislators, Americans, be not deceived by the apostles or prophets of Mormonism either in politics or religion.
The testimony of Dr. Law is a fearful arraignment of Emma, Joe's wife, but it is in accordance with other facts well known to many here, and it ought to be a matter for the better class of Mormons, the Josephites, to reflect upon--false, false, all false, the words and testimony she gave.
The ostracism that characterizes Mormonism here existed in Nauvoo, and ever will with its leaders--like Ishmael, "their hand is against every man, and every man's hand is against them." " [sic] But we hope that this expose of the whole treasonable and deceitful theocratico-politico government which not only threatens our liberties here but would sap the foundation of all just democratic government, will enable some of our Mormon neighbors and Gentile sympathizers to diagnosis the disease that affects the body politic.
But I give at once the interview obtained by the intelligent, careful and persistent Dr. Wyl with the honest, truthful and good-hearted Dr. Law. Let our readers ponder it carefully--it is worth more than gold:

Interview with Wm. Law. Mch. 30, 1887

Dr. William Law lives with his son, Judge "Tommy" Law. The house is a fine cottage, large, well-kept grounds surround it. We entered a cheerful looking room and there sat William Law, dressed in black, a most venerable looking figure. The head has a striking expression of intelligence, the large clear eyes are of a remarkably deep steel blue; the general impression is that of a thinker, of a benevolent and just man. He greeted me in a fatherly way. I expressed my joy at seeing at last so important a witness of a history, to whose study I had devoted two years.
I sat down near the venerable figure. I hesitated to put any question to him, but he made my task easy by saying: "You speak, in your book, of Joseph Smith having sent Rockwell to kill Governor Boggs. Let me tell you, that Joe Smith, told me the fact himself. The words were substantially like this, "I sent Rockwell to kill Boggs, but he missed him, it was a failure; he wounded him instead of sending him to Hell."
This beginning gave me some courage and I began the pumping business, in a cautious way, though, that I might not frighten my subject. I had put down in my note book a score of questions or so. So I glanced over them now and then, stealthily, and ventured this or that question, waiting till the good doctor would get warm in the recollections of the past. This happened soon and then I could ask with more liberty.
"What position had Rockwell in Joseph's house?"
"Rockwell was the lackey of the house. He used to comb and shave Joseph, blackened his boots and drove his carriage. He would have done anything Joe wanted him to do. I never saw a horse or carriage belonging to Rockwell which you say he got from Joseph for the attempt to kill Boggs."
The reader will easily understand that I had particular reasons to ask about the Expositor, Wm. Law being the only surviving publisher and editor of that celebrated sheet, born and killed June 7th, 1844. So I began:
"I suppose that you originated the Expositor, Doctor Law?"
"Yes, I originated the idea to publish that paper. I had friends in many parts of the country. They knew that I had become a member of the Mormon religion. I wanted to show them, by publishing the paper, that I had not been in a fraud willingly (here the old man's eyes filled with tears and his voice trembled). I started the idea, and my brother, Wilson, stood to me like a brother should. I don't remember whether it was I, or not, who gave the name "Expositor." But I and my brother, we gave the money, about $2000. I gave the biggest part. The Higbees etc., had scarcely a dollar in it."
"You were well off at that time. Dr. Law?"
"We had property to the amount of about $30,000, which was a good deal in those days. We had farms in Nauvoo, city lots and our residences. My brother had a fine brick two story building. By starting the Expositor we lost nearly everything."
"Didn't you have a store and a mill?"
"Yes, we had a large steam flour and saw mill and a store. It would have been the smart thing to do, to remain quiet, sell our property without noise for what we could get and move away. That would have been smart, but I wasn't cool and smart then. I wanted to do my duty and nothing else, and didn't care for the consequences, not a bit. Many friends advised me to be smart and remain quiet, but I would not hear of it and spoke my mind whenever an opportunity offered. When the Smiths saw that we were against them, then they applied to us their usual system, that is, to freeze us out. Secret orders went out that nobody could buy property without the permission of Joseph Smith, Hyrum or the authorities, as they called them, so our property was practically worthless. Yes, my brother Wilson stood to me like a man, fully, fearlessly. He died, here in Shullsburgh, of a stroke of apoplexy, after an illness of three days, ten years ago. He was a very fine and tremendously strong man. He wrestled with Joe in Nauvoo and threw him on his back."
"How did you become a Mormon, Doctor?"
"John Taylor and Almon W. Babbitt came as missionaries to Canada and preached where I lived, twenty-five miles south of Toronto. I believe that Taylor was sincere then and I believe he was to a late day. Finally the greed of power and money killed his conscience. There was, now and then, a good man in Mormondom, for instance Wm. Marks. He was a very good man and knew as little of the secret crimes of the leaders as I knew myself."
"The letters you wrote me, made me suppose that the Smiths tried to kill you when they saw an enemy in you?"
"They tried to get rid of me in different ways. One was by poisoning. I was already out of the church when Hyrum called one day and invited me for the next day to a reconciliation dinner as he called it, to his house. He said Joseph would come, too. He invited me and my wife. He was very urgent about the matter, but I declined the invitation. Now I must tell you that I, in those dangerous days, did not neglect to look out somewhat for the safety of my person and that I kept a detective or two among those who were in the confidence of the Smiths. That very same evening of the day on which Hyrum had been to my house inviting me, my detective told me that they had conceived the plan to poison me at the reconciliation dinner. Their object was a double one. My going to the dinner would have shown to the people that I was reconciled and my death would have freed them of an enemy. You may imagine that I didn't regret having declined that amiable invitation."
"Have you had any knowledge of cases of poisoning in Nauvoo, ordered by the authorities?"
"I know that several men, six or seven, died under very suspicious circumstances. Among them were two secretaries of the prophet, Mulholland and Blaskel Thompson. I saw Mulholland die and the symptoms looked very suspicious to me. Dr. Foster, who was a very good physician, believed firmly that those six or seven men had been poisoned, and told me so repeatedly."
"What may have been the reason for poisoning the secretaries?"
(With a smile) "They knew too much, probably."
"What do you know about the Danites?"
"Nothing of my personal knowledge. They existed, but their workings were kept very secret. I never belonged to the initiated. Smith tried very hard to get them to kill me. One day my detective told me, that two Danites had gone to Joseph and told him that they wanted to put me out of the way. Joseph said: "Don't--he (Law) is too influential; his death would bring the country down upon us; wait." Later when I was thoroughly aware of my danger, they tried in all manners to use me up and had Danites all day and night after me, but I looked out and kept myself safe. Whatever there was of crime in Nauvoo, was kept secret. On the outside everything looked nice and smooth. There were lots of strangers every Sunday as visitors and then the best speakers were put on the stand as samples of the fruits of this fine religion."
"Did Emma, the elect lady, come to your house and complain about Joseph?"
"No. She never came to my house for that purpose. But I met her sometimes on the street and then she used to complain, especially because of the girls whom Joseph kept in the house, devoting his attention to them. You have overrated her, she was dishonest."
"Do you mean to say that she was so outside of the influence Joseph had over her?"
"Yes, that is exactly what I mean. Let me tell you a case, that will be full proof to you. Soon after my arrive in Nauvoo the two L[awrence] girls came to the holy city, two very young girls, 15 to 17 years of age. They had been converted in Canada, were orphans and worth about $8000 in English gold. Joseph got to be appointed their Guardian, probably with the help of Dr. Bennett. He naturally put the gold in his pocket and had the Girls sealed to him. He asked me to go on his bond as a guardian, as Sidney Rigdon had done. "It is only a formality," he said. Foolishly enough, and not yet suspecting anything, I put my name on the paper. Emma complained about Joseph's living with the L[awrence] girls, but not very violently. It is my conviction that she was his full accomplice, that she was not a bit better than he. When I saw how things went I should have taken steps to be released of that bond, but I never thought of it. After Joseph's death, A. W. Babbitt became guardian of the two girls. He asked Emma for a settlement about the $8000. Emma said she had nothing to do with her husband's debts. Now Babbitt asked for the books and she gave them to him. Babbitt found that Joseph had counted an expense of about $3000 for board and clothing of the girls. Now Babbitt wanted the $5000 that was to be paid Babbitt, who was a straight, good, honest, sincere man, set about to find out property to pay the $5000 with. He could find none. Two splendid farms near Nauvoo, a big brick house, worth from $3000 to $4000, the hotel kept by Joe, a mass of vacant town lots, all were in Emma's name, not transferred later, but transferred from the beginning. She always looked out for her part. When I saw how things stood I wrote to Babbitt to take hold of all the property left by me in Nauvoo and of all claims held by me again in people in Nauvoo. And so the debt was paid by me--Emma didn't pay a cent."
We had chatted about an hour when Dr. Law said that he felt a little tired. I kept silent for a few minutes. The old gentleman rallied very soon, and began to speak without being questioned.
"I told you that the Smiths tried to poison me. When Joseph saw that I had no great appetite for reconciliation dinners, he tried with the Indians. The plan was, that somebody should use me up who was not openly connected with the church, he was yet afraid of the people because of my influence. Later he would have killed me without any regard. One day about one hundred redskins came to town and twenty or thirty were sent to my house. We tried to get rid of them, but could not and we saw clearly that they had a dark plan for the night. But we had to keep them, gave them blankets and they were all night in our hall. Wilson Law, I and some friends, though, kept good watch all night, with barricaded windows and doors and guns and pistols ready."
"You have known the parents of the prophet, old Lucy and old Joe, the Abraham of this new dispensation?"
"Oh, yes, I knew them. Old Lucy was in her dotage at that time; she seemed a harmless old woman. Old Joe sold blessings, so much a head, always in the same style--that my sons should be emperors and my daughters mothers of queens, and that everybody should have as many children as there was sands on the shore. Old Joe was an old tramp."
"How about Dr. Bennett?"
"Bennett was very smart and clever, but a thorough scoundrel. Never could find out the reason of his downfall. Mrs. Pratt was a most excellent, pure woman, but the fact that Bennett visited her sometimes, was used by Joseph to ruin her character. He had his spies everywhere, and if a woman refused him, he sent his fellows out to whisper stories around about her."
"What do you remember about Emma's relations to the revelation on celestial marriage?"
"Well, I told you that she used to complain to me about Joseph's escapades whenever she met me on the street. She spoke repeatedly about that pretended revelation. She said once: "The revelation says I must submit or be destroyed. Well, I guess I have to submit." On another day she said: "Joe and I have settled our troubles on the basis of equal rights." * * * Emma was a full accomplice of Joseph's crimes. She was a large, coarse woman, as deep a woman as there was, always full of schemes and smooth as oil. They were worthy of each other, she was not a particle better than he."
"You think that Joseph was an infidel?"
"Yes, that he was I have not the slightest doubt. What proofs have I? Well, my general and intimate knowledge of his character. And is it possible that a man who ascribes all kinds of impudent lies to the Lord, could have been anything else but an infidel?"
"Did you ever see the celebrated peepstone?"
"No. I never saw it and I never saw Joseph giving a revelation. But Hyrum told me once that Joseph, in his younger years, used to hunt for hidden treasures with a peepstone."
"Was Joseph a habitual drunkard?"
"I don't believe he was. I only saw him drunk once. I found Joseph and Hyrum at a place where they kept quantities of wine. I remember that Joseph drank heavily, and that I talked to Hyrum begging him to take his brother away, but that was the only time I saw the prophet drunk."
"Have you ever heard of the old woman that was drowned in the interest of the church?"
"I have heard of a woman being put aside. They said she had been brought over the river and buried on an island near the shore or on the other shore, near the water. But at that time I did not believe a word of rumors of this kind, and did not investigate them."
"Did you ever hear of abortion being practiced in Nauvoo?"
"Yes. There was some talk about Joseph getting no issue from all the women he had intercourse with. Dr. Foster spoke to me about the fact. But I don't remember what was told about abortion. If I heard things of the kind, I didn't believe in them at that time. Joseph was very free in his talk about his women. He told me one day of a certain girl and remarked, that she had given him more pleasure than any girl he had ever enjoyed. I told him it was horrible to talk like this."
"What do you know about robbery being practiced for the benefit of the church?"
"That sort of business was kept very secret. Hyrum had once a very fine, bran [sic] new blue suit, and people told me the suit was the produce of the spoils of the Gentiles. I have no doubt, that Hyrum played an important role in this department of church affairs. I think I can prove it. There was one day a "little council" called in Hyrum's office, and I was invited to come. Joseph called at my house and took me to the little council. Eight or ten were present, all leaders in the church. Hyrum made a long argument--said he: "The Missourians have robbed, plundered and murdered our people. We should take our revenge on them as thoroughly as possible, and regain what we have lost in Missouri. The simplest way would be if our people would go to Missouri and buy their horses and cattle on credit and then not pay for them; and our merchants would go to St Louis and take their large quantities of goods on credit and then, when the notes became due, simply not pay them; our people always go there and pay for everything. That's foolish, very foolish, but it is just the thing that, for instance, Brother Law is doing. He has paid thousands of dollars there; but get all these things from them for nothing, horses, cattle and goods, that would help the people wonderfully. Our merchants should transfer all they have--not only their stock in trade, but their lots, houses and farms, too; to their wives and friends in general, so that the creditors could not get a cent out of them." Some of those present applauded the proposition, and said that would be only fair. I said nothing. Then somebody said: Brother Law has said nothing. I said: This seems to me not only wrong and unjust, but at the same time very ridiculous, because it is not practicable. You cannot buy horses and cattle on credit without having established a credit by long trading; and as to St. Louis, I was always of the opinion that the people there had been very good to the Mormons. So you would ruin your friends to injure your enemies, punish the innocent to hurt the guilty. The St. Louis merchants were surely not the men that persecuted you in Missouri. Hyrum got up, furious. ready to attack me. But Joseph rose and said: "I move that we adjourn this meeting. Brother Law has said his opinion, and that is all you wanted from him. Joseph went home with me and on the way he told me that he shared my views fully, and that I had exactly spoken his mind. He praised me very much for the justice and honesty of my views. 'I did not talk,' said he, 'since you took the very words from my lips.' I need not tell you, that this was diplomacy on Joseph's part, but Hyrum hated me from that moment, and never forgave me for what I had said at that little council. But Hyrum hated me for another reason."
"Was that in the robbery line, too?"
"No. That was from a political reason. It was because I opposed him in the dirty political trade he made with Hoge against Walker. Walker had bought Joseph's influence by declaring that the city charter of Nauvoo secured the habeas corpus. I stood by them when Joseph promised that he should have nine out of every ten Mormon votes. But Hyrum went to Galena to meet the Democratic convention there, and promised the support of the church to Mr. Hoge for a seat in Congress. Yes, General Hyrum Smith was to sit in Congress next year. Saturday came and I went to Hyrum and had a talk with him. He said he would tell the people to vote for Hoge, and I said I would oppose him on the stand. He made objections but finally had to consent to my speaking on the stand in this matter. When it came to the speaking in public Hyrum did all he could to obstruct me by putting longwinded speakers on the stand, one after the other, so that it was nearly dark when I got on the stand. Now, I showed the people how shamefully they had treated Mr. Walker, and I made such an impression that they began to shout for Mr. Walker. Then, Hyrum jumped on the stand and declared that he had a revelation from the Lord, that the people should vote for Mr. Hoge. This was Saturday. Sunday morning I went to Joseph and told him what Hyrum had done. We went over to the meeting and Joseph told Hyrum what I had said. Hyrum insisted that he had had a revelation. Oh, said Joseph, if this is a revelation, then it is all right, and he went on the stand and said to the people: 'My office is so high, that I could not think of bothering the Lord with political affairs. But brother Hyrum has had a revelation--when the Lord speaks let the people obey.'"
"Had you ever some dramatic scene with Joseph about the difficulties between you and him?"
"He avoided me. But once I got hold of him in the street and told him in very plain terms what I thought of him. I said: 'You are a hypocrite and a vulgar scoundrel, you want to destroy me.' Instead of knocking me down, which he could have done very easily, being so much bigger and stronger than I, he went away hurriedly without uttering a single word."
"Were you in Nauvoo when the Expositor was destroyed?"
"No. I was in Carthage. There was a meeting at the court house, many people were present and it was considered what should be done regarding the Mormons. I think Stephen A. Douglas was present at the meeting. My friends urged me to come to Carthage with the press immediately. No conclusion was arrived at, however. The same evening we went home and when we came to Nauvoo we rode over our type, that was scattered in the street, and over our broken office furniture. The work of Joseph's agents had been very complete; it had been done bv a mob of about 200. The building, a new, pretty brick structure, had been perfectly gutted, not a bit had been left of anything."
"Had anything been prepared for a second number?"
"Yes, the inside of number two had been set up. Seeing what had been done, I my abode, for safety's sake, at my brother's. I left Nauvoo on a large new steam ferry-boat, which transported me, my family and my brother to Burlington, Iowa. While we had people packing our things in my house, we rode, my brother and I, through the city in an open carriage, to show that we were not afraid."
"Did yon ever see Joseph again after you left Nauvoo?"
"Only once. I saw him in Carthage at the trial. We spoke not to each other and he seemed greatly preoccupied. We left Nauvoo on the second day after the passing of the ordinance which put the press under the absolute will of Joseph and his creatures. This ordinance gave them power to imprison and fine us at liberty."
"What opinion have you of Governor Ford?"
"Ford made a good impression upon me; he was surely a good, straight man."
"What kind of a life did the prophet lead in Nauvoo?"
"Joseph lived in great plenty. He entertained his friends and had a right good time. He was a jolly fellow. I don t think that in his family tea and coffee were used, but they were served to the strangers when he entertained as tavern-keeper. At least, I suppose so. The Smiths had plenty of money. Why, when I came to Nauvoo I paid Hyrum $700 in gold for a barren lot and at that rate they sold any amount of lots after having got the land very cheap, to be sure. Their principle was to weaken a man in his purse, and in this way take power and influence from him. Weaken everybody, that was their motto. Joseph's maxim was, when you have taken all the money a fellow has got, you can do with him whatever you please."
"What became of Dr. Bennett?"
"The last thing I heard of him was that he went up the river with a large lot of fancy fowls, a speculation of his."
"What do you know about the revelation on polygamy?"
"The way I heard of it was that Hyrum gave it to me to read. I was never in a High Council where it was read, all stories to the contrary notwithstanding. Hyrum gave it to me in his office, told me to take it home and read it and then be careful with it and bring it back again. I took it home, and read it and showed it to my wife. She and I were just turned upside down by it; we did not know what to do. I said to my wife, that I would take it over to Joseph and ask him about it. I did not believe that he would acknowledge it, and I said so to my wife. But she was not of my opinion. She felt perfectly sure that he would father it. When I came to Joseph and showed him the paper, he said: 'Yes, that is a genuine revelation.' I said to the prophet: 'But in the Book of Doctrine and Covenants there is a revelation just the contrary of this.' 'Oh,' said Joseph, 'that was given when the church was in its infancy, then it was all right to feed the people on milk, but now it is necessary to give them strong meat' We talked a long time about it, finally our discussion became very hot and we gave it up. From that time on the breach between us became more open and more decided every day, after having been prepared for a long time. But the revelation gave the finishing touch to my doubts and showed me clearly that he was a rascal. I took the revelation back to my wife and told her that Joseph had acknowledged it. 'That is what I fully expected.' said she. 'What shall we do?' said I. She advised me to keep still try to sell my property quietly for what I could get. But I did not follow her advice. My heart was burning. I wanted to tread upon the viper."
"You returned the revelation to Hyrum?"
"Yes, I did. I was astonished to see in your book that the revelation was such a long document. I remember DISTINCTLY that the original given me by Hyrum was MUCH SHORTER. It covered not more than two or three pages of foolscap. The contents are substantially the same, but there was not that theological introduction. The thing consisted simply in the command of doing it, and that command was restricted to the High Priesthood and to virgins and widows. But as to Joseph, himself, the Lord's chosen servant, it was restricted to virgins only, to clean vessels, from which to procure a pure seed to the Lord."
"In what manner would Joseph succeed to keep you and others from knowing what was going on behind the curtain?"
"Marks, Yves, I and some others had, for a long time, no idea of the depravity that was going on. This was simply the result of a very smart system adopted by the prophet and his intimate friends like Brigham Young, Kimball and others. They first tried a man to see whether they could make a criminal tool out of him. When they felt that he would not be the stuff to make a criminal of, they kept him outside the inner circle and used him to show him up as an example of their religion, as a good, virtuous, universally respected brother."
"Was Joseph a coward?"
"Yes, he was a coward and so was Hyrum. You see it already in the fact that when I attacked him on the street with most violent words, he did not dare to answer a word."
"How did the prophets dress?"
"Joe and Hyrum were always dressed well, generally in blue, sometimes in black. Joseph was a fine man, no doubt of it."
"How was it with Joseph's wrestling?"
"The forces of the prophet in this line have been exaggerated. My brother Wilson wrestled once with him and he laid him down on the floor like a baby. Wilson could throw a lead bar much farther than Joe could. But Wilson was an uncommonly fine and strong man, over 6 feet. He could hold a weight of 56 pounds on his little finger and write his name on the wall in big letters. Joseph was flabby; he never worked at anything and that probably made him so. Rockwell did everything about the house."
"Had you any idea that there was a sort of conspiracy to kill Joseph in jail?"
"No. I had no idea, no idea. I had been ruined by that man; all my property was gone; all my dearest illusions destroyed, and through my connection with him I got a black spot on my life, which will pain me to the very last minute of my existence. But I tell you [The old gentlemen buried his head in his hands and when he removed them, his eyes were wet.] I tell you, no, if I had had any idea of any such scheme, I would have taken steps to stop it. I have always considered the killing of Joseph Smith a wrong action. It is my opinion that he deserved his fate fully, much more than thousands of men who paid the penalty of their crime to Judge Lynch--but I would have preferred that he should have been tried by court and sent to the Penitentiary."
"Did you practice medicine in Nauvoo, Doctor?"
"Only occasionally. I came to Nauvoo with money. I had had a mill in Canada, already. Joseph said to me: 'You must not be a doctor here. Buy lands, build mills and keep a store to keep you running. As to practicing and not making anything, let some Gentiles come and do that. You look out for business and profit. I practiced, however, occasionally. Once John Taylor was taken with a very malignant fever. He was treated by his regular physician. I think Dr. Wells was his name. He grew worse and worse. At last I was called in, saw him and prescribed for him. They followed my prescriptions and he got better. This is, I believe, the worst thing I did in Nauvoo or anywhere else!" --Dr. Law followed this joke with a chuckle, so as to give me to understand that it was a sin to cure so great a rascal.["]
"What kind of men were the other editors of the Expositor?"
"Dr. Foster was a fine physician and surgeon and a very agreeable, lively, interesting man. The Highees had been very good friends of Joseph in Missouri and had served his cause there with a kind of boyish enthusiasm. Frank died long ago and Chauncey only lately. He had studied law, was an attorney and sat on the bench for a while. He was quite intelligent. The father of the Higbees had been an excellent man. He died rather suddenly, and from that time there was something between his boys and Joseph."
"What kind of a physician was Dr. Bennett?"
"He was a physician of the old school. I could not say whether he was very successful as a doctor or not. He was so much occupied for Joseph, that he had no time to attend the sick."
"Did Joseph pay any salary to this Bismarck of his?"
"I don't know, but in that honeymoon of favor, which he enjoyed in his first Nauvoo time, Joseph gave him surely all he wanted."
"Did you ever hear Joseph speak of his money?"
"Oh yes, he used to boast of his riches. He expressed the opinion, that it was all important that he should be rich. I heard him say myself, 'it would be better that every man in the church should lose his last cent, than that I should fall and go down.'"
After pumping the dear, good old Doctor for two hours. I relaxed my hold on him and our conversation began to run on in an easier style. He made some interesting remarks, still, indeed he didn't say anything that wasn't interesting, every instance bearing the strong impress of his keen intelligence and interesting strong, manly character. Let me quote one more detail. Said Wm. Law: "What saved me from death in 1844 was, 1, my caution; 2, the devotion of my detectives and 3, Joseph himself. He had inculcated into the minds of his followers the rule, that the "heads" of the church must be safe before all. This became a strong superstition in the minds of his people, so strong that they did not dare to touch me. And he himself feared me so much because of my popularity and good standing, that he tried for a long time to put me out of the way in a manner that the church could not be charged with it. At last, however, he became desperate and would have killed me in any manner--but then it was too late in the day."
What I got out of the venerable Patriarch, William Law, the friends of the study of Mormon History owe entirely to the masterly tact and diplomacy of Judge Law, the son of the good Doctor. Judge Tommy J. Law is an attorney and the publisher of a very successful weekly paper. He is a splendid figure of a man, with a flowing beard, every inch a whole hearted, frank gentleman. He venerates his father and the memory of his mother. "My father," he says proudly, "was considered the best speaker in the Mississippi valley; many men said he would have beaten Beecher had he followed that career. I heard him myself some thirty years ago, deliver a Fourth of July speech. He kept his audience spellbound, his influence was truly magnetic. Wilson Law was one of the finest and strongest of men, but intellectually he was below my father. He was a few years older and died 70 years old. He had been a farmer for many years. We are five boys, two are lawyers, two doctors, and one is a merchant. John is a leading physician in Leadville, Colorado. He is 45 years. The merchant, now a man of about 54, R. S. Law, lives in California. William Law junior lives in Chicago and is a very successful law practitioner. W. R. Law, a physician, about 40 years old (the youngest) lives in Darlington, Wisconsin. Our only sister, Mrs. Douglas, is the wife of the president of the Shullsburgh Bank. My mother was a most excellent woman, good to the people in the highest degree, charitable, visiting the sick. Everybody loved her and the whole country turned out when she was buried. My father received a terrible shock through her death. I don't believe there was ever a happier couple. For many months after her death he used to break down whenever he saw anybody who had known her. We all thought he would follow her soon. But he rallied, though he is yet unable to speak of her without tears. What has been said about Joseph having made an attempt on her is not true. In such a case my father would not have started a paper against him--he would have shot his head off. No man can be more delicate and conscientious about the relations of husband and wife and more apt to be terrible in such a case, than my father. Two years ago he had an attack of pneumonia. My brother came from Leadville and nursed father for two weeks. His life was despaired of but he rallied once more. He said at that time: "Well, my life has anyhow been a failure." Nobody can cure him of this idea, that Mormonism has ruined his career. A man less sensitive, less retiring would have made capital out of what he knew, lectured all over the country, etc. After leaving Burlington, Iowa, my father came to Wisconsin and lived for many years on a farm. He was the confidential physician of all his neighbors for ten miles around, the most popular physician there ever was. We always want him to give up practicing, but there are so many people who absolutely must have Dr. Law when they are sick.
"Yes, I was once in Utah, I saw Brigham Young but had no talk with him. One of his brothers, a very stout man, who kept a store, told me not to be on the street after dark. 'There are always some hotheaded young fellows,' said he, 'who would think of gaining great merit and reputation if they would injure a man of your kind. It is so very difficult to control them--so you had better keep at home after dark.'"
This is what Judge Law told me about the history of the Law family: "My father was born in Ireland, Tyrone County, his parents were of Scottish descent. They emigrated to America, when William Law was nine years old. He lived with his parents for years in Pennsylvania; he studied in Philadelphia and Pittsburg [sic]. His father was a wealthy farmer. Wm. Law later emigrated to Canada and married there a lady of the Silverthorn family and lived there till he went to Nauvoo. Wilson Law never lived in Canada. William Law was the youngest of five brothers, and he is the only surviving one."
I have tried hard to verify Judge Law's opinion about his father by asking lots of people in Shullsburgh and on the train. I heard nothing but "Oh, Dr. Law is a fine old gentleman; the most popular man we have round here." Mr. Sheaby, who keeps the hotel, in which I spent two days, said: "Dr. Law is a good, fine old man, honest and very kind to the people. I don't think that this old man has a single enemy, and his wife was loved by everybody, too, she was the soul of kindness."
The good Doctor had been quite sick for a good many weeks and it was very doubtful, whether he would receive me or not. Judge Law convinced him, that I was a pretty decent fellow and succeeded in getting admission for me, though the Doctor had said, pretty energetically, when he heard of my arrival: "I don't want to be interviewed." When I had finished my operations, the Dr. said: "I hope you will do the Laws more justice now"--and he said it with a good, dear look in those wonderfully eloquent, steel-blue eyes.
There is nothing in the aspect of the old gentleman that indicates 78 summers, except the white hands, that tremble a little. I said: "God bless you, Dr. Law," when I went to the door. I looked round and I couldn't help it--went back to shake his hand once more. I held out both hands; he put aside his black staff and grasped both my hands, and gave me such a hearty, warm, good shake. I said: "Doctor, be cheerful. You will live twenty years yet like William of Prussia. The Williams are a good race, I belong to it myself."
There is a strong resemblance between the Law and the Godbe movement and still a stronger one between the great heart of Wm. Law and the deep, unselfish, noble soul of Wm. S. Godbe. The rebellions of 1844 and 1870, both came from great hearts, that had been destroyed by the lies and driven to despair by the cruel egotism of the Mormon leaders. And while speaking of hearts crushed by Mormonism, was there ever a kinder, a purer, a braver one than that beating in the bosom of Mrs. Sarah Pratt? And was this grand woman's heart not martyrized a thousand times worse, than those of our justly celebrated friends Law and Godbe? Men can resist, oppose, fight and wound and finally win and overthrow--but the wife and mother, what is her prize? The tears of her children on her grave--that is all. Well, may the Lord--not Joe's Lord--bless those three Great souls and all those excellent friends that helped me to study and understand Mormon History; and may they all see the downfall of one of the greatest infamies in human history. God bless them all and may He bless the great, good, patriotic paper, the joy of the student, the consolation of the philosopher, the hope of the Gentile and Mormon sufferer. THE SALT LAKE TRIBUNE!W.WYL.

SUCH AN INTERVIEW

As the foregoing has never before been published on the Mormon question. It may aid the cause of liberty in Utah, and prevent the success of Mormon movements looking towards Statehood. To some Mormons it may help to bring them to the standstill and make them think of the origin and development of this stupendous fraud; but to the mass of the people who may read it, yet the majority may never see it, we fear that they are in as hopeless a condition as was the ancient Ephraim. "He (Ephraim) is joined to his idols, let him alone."
INVESTIGATOR
Salt Lake City, July 23, 1885 [sic].

http://www.xmission.com/~country/reason/lawint2.htm 3/14/03 4:16 PM

NAUVOO EXPOSITOR.
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
--THE TRUTH, THE WHOLE TRUTH, AND NOTHING BUT THE TRUTH.--
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
VOL. I. NAUVOO, ILLINOIS, FRIDAY, JUNE 7, 1844. NO. 1.

We give place this week to the following Preamble, Resolutions and Affidavits, of the Seceders from the Church at Nauvoo.--The request is complied with on account of their deeming it very important that the public should know the true cause of their dissenting, as all manner of falsehood is spread abroad in relation to the schism in the Church. In our subsequent numbers several affidavits will be published, to substantiate the facts alleged. Hereafter, no further Church proccedings [sic] will appear in our columns, except in the form of brief communications.--ED.

PREAMBLE.

It is with the greatest solicitude for the salvation of the Human Family, and of our own souls, that we have this day assembled. Feign would we have slumbered, and "like the Dove that covers and conceals the arrow that is preying upon its vitals," for the sake of avoiding the furious and turbulent storm of persecution which will gather, soon to burst upon our heads, have covered and concealed that which , for a season, has been brooding among the ruins of our peace: but we rely upon the arm of Jehovah, the Supreme Arbiter of the world, to whom we this day, and upon this occasion, appeal for the rectitude of our intentions.
If that God who gave bounds to the mighty deep, and bade the ocean cease--if that God who organized the physical world, and gave infinity to space, be our front guard and our rear ward, it is futile and vain for man to raise his puny arm against us. God will inspire his ministers with courage and with understanding to consummate his purposes; and if it is necessary, he can snatch them from the fiery furnace, or the Lion's den as he did anciently the three Hebrews from the former, and Daniel from the latter.
As for our acquaintance with the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints, we know, no man or set of men can be more thoroughly acquainted with its rise, its organization, and its history, than we have every reason to believe we are. We all verily believe, and many of us know of a surety, that the religion of the Latter Day Saints, as originally taught by Joseph Smith, which is contained in the Old and New Testaments, Book of Covenants, and Book of Mormon, is verily true; and that the pure principles set forth in those books, are the immutable and eternal principles of Heaven, and speaks a language which, when spoken in truth and virtue, sinks deep into the heart of every honest man.--Its precepts are invigorating, and in every sense of the word, tend to dignify and ennoble man's conceptions of God and his atributes [sic]. It speaks a language which is heard amidst the roar of Artillery, as well as in the silence of midnight: it speaks a language understood by the incarcerated spirit, as well as he who is unfettered and free; yet to those who will not see, it is dark, mysterious, and secret as the grave.
We believe that all men, professing to be the ministers of God, should keep steadily in view, the honor and glory of God, the salvation of souls, and the amelioration of man's condition: and among their cardinal virtues ought to be found those of faith, hope, virtue and charity; but with Joseph Smith, and many other official characters of the Church they are words without any meanings attached--worn as ornaments; exotics nurtured for display; virtues which, throwing aside the existence of a God, the peace, happiness, welfare, and good order of society, require that they should be preserved pure, immaculate, and un-corroded.
We most solemnly and sincerely declare, God this day being witness of the truth and sincerity of our designs and statements, that happy will it be with those who examine and scan Joseph Smith's pretensions to righteousness; and take counsel of human affairs, and of the experience of times gone by. Do not yield up tranquilly a superiority to that man which the reasonableness of past events, and the laws of our country declare to be pernicious and diabolical. We hope many items of doctrine, as now taught, some of which, however, are taught secretly, and denied openly, (which we know positively is the case,) and others publicly, considerate men will treat with contempt; for we declare them heretical and damnable in their influence, though they find many devotees. How shall he, who has drank of the poisonous draft, teach virtue? In the stead thereof, when the criminal ought to plead guilty to the court, the court is obliged to plead guilty to the criminal. We appeal to humanity and ask, what shall we do? Shall we lie supinely and suffer ourselves to be metamorphosed into beasts by the Syren tongue? We answer that our country and our God require that we should rectify the tree. We have called upon him to repent, and as soon as he shewed fruits meet for repentance, we stood ready to seize him by the hand of fellowship, and throw around him the mantle of protection; for it is the salvation of souls we desire, and not our own aggrandizement.
We are earnestly seeking to explode the vicious principles of Joseph Smith, and those who practice the same abominations and whoredoms; which we verily know are not accordant and consonant with the principles of Jesus Christ and the Apostles; and for that purpose, and with that end in view, with a eye single to the glory of God, we have dared to gird on the armor, and with God at our head, we most solemnly and sincerely declare that the sword of truth shall not depart from the thigh, nor the buckler from the arm, until we can enjoy those glorious privileges which nature's God and our country's laws have guarantied to us--freedom of speech, the liberty of the press, and the right to worship God as seemeth us good.--We are aware, however, that we are hazarding every earthly blessing, particularly property, and probably life itself, in striking this blow at tyranny and oppression: yet notwithstanding, we most solemnly declare that no man, or set of men combined, shall with impunity, violate obligations as sacred as many which have been violated, unless reason, justice and virtue have become ashamed and sought the haunts of the grave, though our lives be the forfeiture.
Many of us have sought a reformation in the church, without a public exposition of the enormities of crimes practiced by its leaders, thinking that if they would hearken to council, and shew fruit meet for repentance; it would be as acceptable with God, as though they were exposed to public gaze,
"For the private path, the secret acts of men,
If noble, far the noblest of their lives."
but our petitions were treated with contempt; and in many cases the petitioner spurned from their presence, and particularly by Joseph, who would state that if he had sinned, and was guilty of the charges we would charge

--page 2--

him with, he would not make acknowledgment, but would rather be damned; for it would detract from his dignity, and would consequently ruin and prove the overthrow of the Church. We would ask him on the other hand, if the overthrow of the Church was not inevitable, to which he often responded, that we would all go to Hell together, and covert it into a heaven, by casting the Devil out; and says he, Hell is by no means the place this world of fools suppose it to be, but on the contrary, it is quite an agreeable place: to which we would now reply, he can enjoy it if he is determined not to desist from his evil ways; but as for us, and ours, we will serve the Lord our God!
It is absurd for men to assert that all is well, while wicked and corrupt men are seeking our destruction, by a profession of sacred things; for all is not well, while whoredoms and all manner of abominations are practiced under the cloak of religion. Lo! The wolf is in the fold, arrayed in sheep's clothing, and is spreading death and devastation among the saints: and we say to the watchmen standing upon the walls, cry aloud and spare not, for the day of the Lord is at hand--a day cruel both with wrath and fierce anger, to lay the land desolate.
It is a notorious fact, that many females in foreign climes, and in countries to us unknown, even in the most distant regions of the Eastern hemisphere, have been induced, by the sound of the gospel, to forsake friends, and embark upon a voyage across waters that lie stretched over the greater portion of the globe, as they supposed, to glorify God, that they might thereby stand acquitted in the great day of God Almighty. But what is taught them on their arrival at this place?--They are visited by some of the Strikers, for we know not what else to call them, and are requested to hold on and be faithful, for there are great blessings awaiting the righteous; and that God has great mysteries in store for those who love the Lord, and cling to brother Joseph. They are also notified that brother Joseph will see them soon, and reveal the mysteries of Heaven to their full understanding, which seldom fails to inspire them with new confidence in the Prophet, as well as great anxiety to know what God has laid up in store for them, in return for the great sacrifice of father and mother, of gold and silver, which they gladly left far behind, that they might be gathered into the fold, and numbered among the chosen of God.--They are visited again, and what is the result? They are requested to meet brother Joseph, or some of the Twelve, at some insulated point, or at some particularly described place on the bank of the Mississippi, or at some room, which wears upon its front--Positively NO admittance. The harmless, inoffensive, and unsuspecting creatures, are so devoted to the Prophet, and the cause of Jesus Christ, that they do not dream of the deep-laid and fatal scheme which prostrates happiness, and renders death itself desirable, but they meet him, expecting to receive through him a blessing, and learn the will of the Lord concerning them, and what awaits the faithful followers of Joseph, the Apostle and Prophet of God, when in the stead thereof, they are told, after having been sworn in one of the most solemn manners, to never divulge what is revealed to them, with a penalty of death attached, that God Almighty has revealed it to him that she should be his (Joseph's) Spiritual wife; for it was right anciently, and God will tolerate it again; but we must keep those pleasures and blessings from the world, for until there is a change in the government, we will endanger ourselves by practicing it--but we can enjoy the blessings of Jacob, David, and others, as well as to be deprived of them, if we do not expose ourselves to the law of the land. She is thunder-struck, faints, recovers, and refuses. The Prophet damns her if she rejects. She thinks of the great sacrifice, and of the many thousand miles she has traveled over sea and land, that she might save her soul from pending ruin, and replies, God's will be done, and not mine. The Prophet and his devotees in this way are gratified. The next step to avoid public exposition from the common course of things, they are sent away for a time, until all is well; after which they return, as from a long visit. Those whom no power or influence could seduce, except that which is wielded by some individual feigning to be a God, must realize the remarks of an able writer, when he says, "if woman's feelings are turned to ministers of sorrow, where shall she look of consolation?" Her lot is to be wooed and won; her heart is like some fortress that has been captured, sacked[,] abandoned, and left desolate. With her, the desires of the heart has failed--the great charm of existence is at an end; she neglects all the cheerful exercises of life, which gladen [sic] the spirits, quicken the pulses, and send the tide of life in healthful currents though the veins. Her rest is broken. The sweet refreshment of sleep is poisoned by melancholy dreams; dry sorrow drinks her blood, until her enfeebled frame sinks under the slightest external injury. Look for her after a little while, and you find friendship weeping over her untimely grave; and wondering that one who but so recently glowed with all the radiance of health and beauty, should so speedily be brought down to darkness and despair, you will be told of some wintry chill, of some casual indisposition that laid her low! But no one knows of the mental malady that previously sapped her strength, and made her so easy a pray to the spoiler. She is like some tender tree, the pride and beauty of the grove--graceful in its form, bright in its foliage, but with the worm praying at its heart; we find it withered when it should be most luxuriant. We see it drooping its branches to the earth, and shedding leaf by leaf until wasted and perished away, it falls in the stillness of the forest; and as we muse over the beautiful ruin, we strive in vain to recollect the blast or thunder-bolt that could have smitten it with decay. But no one knows the cause except the foul fiend who perpetrated the diabolical deed.
Our hearts have mourned and bled at the wretched and miserable condition of females in this place; many orphans have been the victims of misery and wretchedness, through the influence that has been exerted over them, under cloak of religion and afterwards, in consequence of that jealous disposition which predominates over the minds of the same, have been turned upon a wide world, fatherless and motherless, destitute of friends and fortune; and robbed of that which nothing but death can restore.
Men solace themselves by saying the facts slumber in the dark caverns of midnight. But Lo! it is sudden day, and the dark deeds of foul fiends shall be exposed from the house-tops. A departed spirit, once the resident of St. Louis, shall yet cry aloud for vengeance.
It is difficult--perhaps impossible--to describe the wretchedness of females in this place, without wounding the feelings of the benevolent, or shocking the delicacy of the refined; but the truth shall come to the world. The remedy can never be applied, unless the disease is known. The sympathy, ever anxious to relieve, cannot be felt before the misery is seen.--The charity that kindles at the tale of wo [sic], can never act with adequate efficeiency [sic], till it is made to see the pollution and guilt of men, now buried in the death-shades of heathenism.--Shall we then, however painful the sight, shrink from the contemplation of their real state? We answer, we will not, if permitted to live. As we have before stated, it is the vicious principles of men we are determined to explode. It is not that we have any private feelings to gratify, or any private pique to settle, that has induced us to be thus plain; for we can respect and love the criminal, if there is any hope of reformation; but there is a point beyond which forbearance ceases to be a virtue.
The next important item which presents itself for our consideration, is the attempt at Political power and influence, which we verily believe to be preposterous and absurd. We believe it is inconsistent, and not in accordance with the christian religion. We do not believe that God ever raised a Prophet to christianize a world by political schemes and intrigue. It is not the way God captivates the heart of the unbeliever; but on the contrary, by preaching truth [i]n its own native simplicity, and in its own original purity, unadorned with anything except its own indigenous beauties. Joseph may plead he has been injured, abused, and his petitions treated with contempt by the general government, and that he only desires an influence of a political character that will warrant him redress of grievances; but we care not--the faithful followers of Jesus must bear in this age as well as Christ and the Apostles did anciently; although a frowning world may have crushed him to the dust; although unpitying friends may have passed him by; although hope, the great comforter in affliction, may have burst forth and fled from his troubled bosom; yet, in Jesus there is a balsom [sic] for every wound, and a cordial to assuage an agonized mind.
Among the many items of false doctrine that are taught the Church, is the doctrine of many Gods, one of the most direful in its effects that has characterized the world for many centuries. We know not what to call it other than blasphemy, for it is most unquestionably, speaking of God in an impious and irreverent manner.--It is contended that there are innumerable Gods as much above the God that presides over this universe, as he is above us; and if he varies from the law unto which he is subjected, he, with all his creatures, will be cast down as was Lucifer; thus holding forth a doctrine which is effectually calculated to sap the very foundation of our faith: and now, O Lord! shall we set still and be silent, while thy name is thus blasphemed, and thine honor, power and glory, brought into disrepute? See Isaiah c 43, v 10; 44, 6-8; 45, 5, 21, 22; and book [sic] of Covenants, page 26 and 39.
In the dark ages of Popery, when bigotry, superstition, and tyranny held universal sway over the empire of reason, there was some semblance of justice in the inquisitorial deliberations, which, however, might have been dictated by prudence, or the fear of consequences: but we are no longer forced to appeal to those states that are now situated under the influence of Popery for examples of injustice, cruelty and oppression--we can appeal to the acts of the inquisitorial department organized in Nauvoo, by Joseph and his accomplices, for specimens of injustice of the most pernicious and diabolical character that ever stained the pages of the historian.
It was in Rome, and about the twelfth century, when Pope Innocent III, ordered father Dominic to excite the Catholic princes and people to extirpate heretics. But it is in this enlightened and intelligent nineteenth century, and in Nauvoo--a place professing to be the nucleus of the world, that Joseph Smith has established an inquisition which, if it is suffered to exist, will prove more formidable and terrible to those who are found opposing the iniquities of Joseph and his associates, than even the Spanish inquisition did to heretics as they termed them.
On thursday [sic] evening, the 18th of April, there was a council called, unknown to the Church, which tried, condemned, and cut off brothers Wm. Law, Wilson Law, and sister Law, (Wm's. Wife,) brother R. D. Foster, and one brother Smith, with whom we are unacquainted; which we contend is contrary to the book of Doctrine and Covenants, for our law condemnest no man untill [sic] he is heard. We abhor and protest against any council or tribunal in this Church, which will not suffer the accused to stand in its midst and plead their own cause. If an Agrippa would suffer a Paul, whose eloquence surpassed, as it were, the eloquence of men, to stand before him, and plead his own cause, why would Joseph, and others, refuse to hear individuals in their own defence [sic] ?--We answer, it is because the court will be exposed to public gaze. We wish the public to throughly understand the nature of this court, and judge of the legality of its acts as seemeth them good.
On Monday, the 15th of April, brother R. D. Foster had a notice served on him to appear before the High Council on Saturday following, the 20th, and answer to charges preferred against him by Joseph Smith. On Saturday, while Mr. Foster was preparing to take his witnesses, 41 in number, to the council-room, that he might make good his charges against Joseph, president Marks notified him that the trial had been on Thursday evening, before the 15th, and that he was cut off from the Church; and that same council cut off the brother Laws', sister Law and brother Smith, and all without their knowledge. They were not notified, neither did they dream of any such thing being done, for William Law had sent Joseph and some of the Twelve, special word that he desired an investigation before the Church in General Conference, on the 6th of Ap'l. The court, however, was a tribunal possessing no power to try Wm. Law, who was called by special Revelation, to stand as counsellor [sic] to the President of the Church, (Joseph,) which was twice ratified by General Conferences, assembled at Nauvoo, for Brigham Young, one of the Twelve, presided, whose duty it was not, but the President of the High Council.--See Book of Doctrine and Covenants, page 87.

RESOLUTIONS.

Resolved 1st, That we will not encourage the acts of any court in this church, for the trial of any of its members, which will not suffer the accused to be present and plead their own cause; we therefore declare our decided disapprobation to the course parsued [sic] last Thursday evening, (the 18th inst,) in the case of William and Wilson Law, and Mrs. William Law, and R. D. Foster, as being unjust and unauthorized by the laws of the Church, and consequently null and void; for our law judgeth no man unless he be heard; and to all those who approbate a course so unwarranted, unprecedented and so unjust, we would say beware lest the unjust measure you meet to your brethren, be again meeted out to you.
Resolved 2nd, Inasmuch as we have for years borne with the individual follies and iniquities of Joseph Smith, Hyrum Smith, and many other official characters in the Church of Jesus Christ, (conceiving it a duty incumbent upon us so to bear,) and having labored with them repeatedly with all Christian love, meekness and humility, yet to no effect, feel as if forbearance has ceased to be a virtue, and hope of reformation vain; and inasmuch as they have introduced false and damnable doctrines into the Church, such as plurality of Gods above the God of this universe, and his liability to fall with all his creations; the plurality of wives, for time and eternity; the doctrine of unconditional sealing up to eternal life, against all crimes except that of sheding [sic] innocent blood, by a perversion of their priestly authority, and thereby forfeiting the holy priesthood, according to the word of Jesus: "If a man abide not in me, he is cast forth as a branch and is withered, and men gather them and cast them into the fire, and they are burned," St. John, xv. 6. "Whosoever, transgresseth and abideth not in the doctrine of Christ, hath not God, he that abideth in the doctrine of Christ, hath both the Father and the Son; if there come any unto you and bring not this doctrine, receive him not into your house, neither bid him God speed, for he that bideth him God speed is a partaker of his evil deeds;" we therefore are constrained to denounce them as apostates from the pure and holy doctrines of Jesus Christ.
Resolved 3rd, That we disapprobate and discountenance every attempt to unite church and state; and that we further believe that effort now being made by Joseph Smith for political power and influence, is not commendable in the sight of God.
Resolved 4th, That the hostile spirit and conduct manifested by Joseph Smith, and many of his associates towards Missouri, and others inimical to his purposes, are decidedly at variance with the true spirit of Christianity, and should not be encouraged by any people, much less by those professing to be the ministers of the gospel of peace.
Resolved 5th, That while we disapprobate malicious persecutions and prosecutions, we hold that all church members are alike amenable to the laws of the land; and that we further discountenance any chicanery to screen them from the just demands of the same.
Resolved 6th, That we consider the religious influence exercised in financial concerns by Joseph Smith, as unjust as it is unwarranted, for the Book of Doctrine and Covenants makes it the duty of the Bishop to take charge of the financial affairs of the Church, and of all temporal matters pertaining to the same.
Resolved 7th, That we discountenance and disapprobate the attendance at houses of revelling [sic]and dancing; dram-shops and theatres [sic]; verily believing they have a tendency to lead from paths of virtue and holiness, to those of vice and debauchery.
Resolved 8th, That we look upon the pure and holy doctrines set forth in the Scriptures of Divine truth, as being the immutable doctrines of salvation; and he who abideth in them shall be saved, and he who abideth not in them can not inherit the Kingdom of Heaven.
Resolved 9th, That we consider the gathering in haste, and by sacrifice, to be contrary to the will of God; and that it has been taught by Joseph Smith and others for the purpose of enabling them to sell property at most exhorbitant [sic] prices, not regarding the welfare of the Church, but through their covetousness reducing those who had the means to give employment to the poor, to the necessity of seeking labor for themselves; and thus the wealth which is brought into the place is swallowed up by the one great throat, from whence there is no return, which if it had been economically disbursed amongst the whole would have rendered all comfortable.
Resolved 10th, That, notwithstanding our extensive acquaintance with the financial affairs of the Church, we do not know of any property which in reality belongs to the Church (except the Temple) and we therefore consider the injunction laid upon the saints compelling them to purchase property of the Trustee in trust for the Church, is a deception practiced upon them; and that we look upon the sending of special agents abroad to collect funds for the Temple and other purposes as a humbug practiced upon the saints by Joseph and others, to aggrandize themselves, as we do not believe that them monies and property so collected, have been applied as the donors expected, but have been used for speculative purposes, by Joseph, to gull the saints the better on their arrival at Nauvoo, by buying the lands in the vicinity and selling again to them at tenfold advance; and further that we verily believe that appropriations said to have been subscribed by shares for the building of the Nauvoo House to have been used by J. Smith and Lyman Wight, for other purposses [sic], as out of the mass of stock already taken, the building is far from being finished even to the base.
Resolved 11th, That we consider all secret societies, and combinations under penal oaths and obligations, (professing to be organized for religious purposes,) to be anti-Christian, hypocritical and corrupt.
Resolved 12th, That we will not acknowledge any man as king or law-giver to the church; for Christ is our only king and law-giver.
Resolved 13th, That we call upon the honest in heart, in the Church, and throughout the world, to vindicate the pure doctrines of Jesus Christ, whether set forth in the Bible, Book of Mormon, or Book of Covenants; and we hereby withdraw the hand of fellowship, from all those who practice or teach doctrines contrary to the above, until they cease so to do, and show works meet for repentance.
Resolved 14th, That we hereby notify all those holding licences to preach the gospel, who know they are guilty of teaching the doctrine of other Gods above the God of this creation; the plurality of wives; the unconditional sealing up against all crimes, save that of sheding [sic] innocent blood; the spoiling of the gentiles, and all other doctrines, (so called) which are contrary to the laws of God, or to the laws of our country, to cease preaching, and to come and make satisfaction, and have their licences renewed.
Resolved 15th, That in all our controversies in defence [sic] of truth and righteousness, the weapons of our warfare are not carnal but mighty through God, to the pulling down of the strong holds of Satan; that our strifes are not against flesh, blood, nor bones; but against principalities and power, against spiritual wickedness in high places, and therefore we will not use carnal weapons save in our own defence [sic].

AFFIDAVITS.

I hereby certify that Hyrum Smith did, (in his office,) read to me a certain written document, which he said was a revelation from God, he said that he was with Joseph when it was received. He afterwards gave me the document to read, and I took it to my house, and read it, and showed it to my wife, and returned it next day. The revelation (so called) authorized certain men to have more wives than one at a time, in this world and in the world to come. It said this was the law, and commanded Joseph to enter into the law.--And also that he should administer to others. Several other items were in the revelation, supporting the above doctrines.
WM. LAW.

State of Illinois,
Hancock, County,
I Robert D. Foster, certify that the above certificate was sworn to before me, as true in substance, this fourth day of May A. D. 1844.
ROBERT D. FOSTER, J. P.

I certify that I read the revelation referred to in the above affidavit of my husband, it sustained in strong terms the doctrine of more wives than one at a time, in this world, and in the next, it authorized some to have to the number of ten, and set forth that those women who would not allow their husbands to have more wives than one should be under condemnation before God.
JANE LAW.

Sworn and subscribed before me this fourth day of May, A. D. 1844.
ROBERT D. FOSTER, J. P.

To all whom it may Concern:
Forasmuch as the public mind hath been much agitated by a course of procedure in the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints, by a number of persons declaring against certain doctrines and practices therein, (among whom I am one,) it is but meet that I should give my reasons, at least in part, as a cause that hath led me to declare myself. In the latter part of the summer, 1843, the Patriarch, Hyrum Smith, did in the High Council, of which I was a member, introduce what he said was a revelation given through the Prophet; that the said Hyrum Smith did essay to read the said revelation in the said Council, that according to his reading there was contained the following doctrines; 1st, the sealing up of persons to eternal life, against all sins, save that of sheding [sic] innocent blood or of consenting thereto; 2nd, the doctrine of a plurality of wives, or marrying virgins; that "David and Solomon had many wives, yet in this they sinned not save in the matter of Uriah.["] This revelation with other evidence, that the aforesaid heresies were taught and practiced in the Church; determined me to leave the office of first counsellor [sic] to the president of the Church at Nauvoo, inasmuch as I dared not teach or administer such laws. And further deponent saith not.
AUSTIN COWLES.

State of Illinois,
Hancock County,
ss.
To all whom it may concern I hereby certify that the above certificate was sworn and subscribed before me, this fourth day of May, 1844.
ROBERT D. FOSTER J. P.

THE EXPOSITOR.
---------------------------------------------------------------------
FRIDAY, JUNE 7, 1844.
---------------------------------------------------------------------
SYLVESTER EMMONS, EDITOR.
---------------------------------------------------------------------

INTRODUCTORY.

In greeting our patrons with the first number of the Expositor, a remark is necessary for the expression of some views, and certain principles by which we intend to be governed in our editorial duties. Many questions and surmises made by those who suppose we will come in conflict with some of their darling schemes of self-aggrandisement [sic]. Others, more honest, desire to know whether our object is to advocate any particular religious tenets, or any favorite measures of either of the political parties of the country. To all such questions we answer in the negative. Free toleration in religious sentiments, we deem compatible with the organization of our government, and should not be abridged. On the other hand, we believe religious despotism to be incompatible with our free institutions. What we conceive to be despotism, engendered by an assumption of power in the name of religion, we shall have occasion to show hereafter. In relation to politics, whatever our own views may be upon the federal measures that now, or may, hereafter agitate the country, the Expositor will not be the exponent thereof; and all the strife and party zeal of the two great antagonistical parties for the success of their respective candidates for the Presidency, we shall remain neutral, and in an editorial capacity, inactive. Another party, however, has sprung up in our midst, the leader of which, it would seem, expects, by a flourish of Quixotic chivalry, to take, by storm, the Presidential chair, and distribute among his faithful supporters, the office of governor in all the different States, for the purpose, we presume, of more effectually consolidating the government. This party we may be disposed to treat with a little levity, but nothing more. As it respects the local questions which may arise in our own county, and the candidates for the legislature from this county, we reserve the right to expatiate upon the respective claims--not on account of their politics--be they whig or democrat, but on account of a combination which we believe has for its object the utter destruction of the rights of the old citizens the county, who have borne the heat and burden of the day; who have labored hard as pioneers of the county; who have settled and organized the county; who have rights that should be respected by every principle of honor and good faith, and whose wishes should be consulted in the choice of officers, and not have men imposed upon them, who are obnoxious, for good and sufficient reasons. In relation to such questions, we intend to express our mind freely, as our duty dictates, regardless of consequences. If a fair and honorable course be taken by the dominant party at Nauvoo, we will have nothing to battle against; but if they do not pursue that course, we shall be prepared for the warfare. We must confess, however, if we are to judge of the future by the past, we have little to expect from that quarter; but apart from local political considerations, we have a high and more noble duty to perform. We shall spread the banner to the breeze for a radical reform in the city of Nauvoo, as the departure from moral rectitude, and the abuse of power, have become intolerable. We shall speak out, and spare not, until certain grievances are redressed or corrected; until honor, virtue, and reputation shall take their accustomed habitations, and be respected; until we teach men that no exclusive privileges can be allowed to any individual under our form of government, that the law of the land, based upon the revealed laws of heaven, are paramount to all other earthly considerations; and he who sets the laws at defiance, and evades their operation, either by direct or indirect means, pursues a course subversive of the best interests of the country, and dangerous to the well-being of the social compact. That there does exist an order of things with the systematic elements of organization in our midst--a system which, if exposed in its naked deformity, would make the virtuous mind revolt with horror; a system in the exercise of which lays prostrate all the dearest ties in our social relations--the glorious fabric upon which human happiness is based--ministers to the worst passions of our nature, and throws us back into the benighted regions of the dark ages, we have the greatest reason to believe.
The question is asked, will you bring a mob upon us? In answer to that, we assure all concerned, that we will be among the first to put down anything like an illegal force being used against any man or set of men. If any one has become amenable to the law, we wish to have him tried impartially by the laws of his country. We are among the number who believe that there is virtue and integrity enongh [sic] in the administrators of the law, to bring every offender to justice, and to protect the innocent. If it is necessary to make a show of force, to execute legal process, it will create no sympathy in that case to cry out, we are mobbed. There is such a thing as persons being deceived into a false sympathy once, who, the second time, will scrutinize very closely, to know who, or which party, are the persecutors. It is not always the first man who cries out, stop thief, that is robbed. It is the upright[eous], honest, considerate, and moral precepts [in] any class that will be respected in this or any other enlightened age[--]precepts which have for their end the good of mankind, and the establishment of [funda]mental truths. On the other hand, paradoxical dogmas, new systems of government, new codes of morals, a new administration of the laws by ingnorant, unlettered and corrupt men, must be frowned down by every lover of his country. The well-being of society demand it at our hands. Our country, by whose laws we are protected, asks us for a manifestation of that patriotism which should inspire every American citizen--the interests of the State of Illinois require it, and as a citizen of Illinois, we intend to respond to the voice of duty, and stand the hazard of the die.
We believe that the Press should not be the medium through which the private character of any individual should be assailed, delineated, or exposed to public gaze; still, whoever acts in an official character, who sets himself up as a public teacher, and reformer of morals and religion, and as an aspirant to the highest office in the gift of the people of this glorious republic, whose institutions he publicly condemns, we assert and maintain the right of canvassing all the public acts and animadverting, with terms of the severest reproach upon all the revolutionary measures that comes to our notice, from any source. We would not be worthy of the name of an American citizen, did we stand by and see, not only the laws of the State, but the laws of the United State set at defiance, the authorities insulted, fugitives from justice fleeing for refuge, [seeking] and receiving protection from the authorities of Nauvoo, for high crimes committed against the government of the United States, the Mayor of a petty incorporated town interposing his authority, and demanding the right of trial for the fugitive on the merits of the case, by virtue of a writ of Habeas Corpus, issued by the Municipal Court of Nauvoo. It is too gross a burlesque [upon] common sense--a subterfuge too low to indicate any thing but a corrupt motive.--Such acts, whether committed in a private or public capacity, will be held up to public scorn. An independent Press is bound by every sense of duty, to lay before the public every attack upon their rights; we, therefore, in the exercise of our duty, expect the support and the aid of our fellow citizens in our enterprise.

____________

We hope all those who intend subscribing for the "Expositor," will forward their names as soon as possible; Editors, Postmasters, and other, to whom the Prospectus, and paper may be sent, will confer a favor upon us, by noticing, exchanging, and circulating the same, in their respective vocations, and forwarding accordingly.
In consequence of the importance of the cause, in which we have engaged, and assurances we have received from different sources, we have concluded to issue one thousand copies of the first number of the paper, that all who wish, may be supplied, and further, that none may plead ignorance of our complaints, or exonerate themselves from an interest in our behalf. We do not

--Page 3--

wish, or expect, the publication of the 'Expositor" to prove a matter of pecuniary profit, neither do we believe the public wil [sic] suffer it to prove a loss. It is a subject in which we are all interested, more particularly the citizens of this county and surrounding country; the case has assumed a formidable and fearful aspect, it is not the destiny of a few that is involved in case of commotion, but that of thousands, wherein necessarily the innocent and helpless would be confounded with the criminal and guilty. We have anxiously desired, and strenously [sic] advocated a peaceable redress of the injuries that have repeatedly been inflicted upon us, and we have now the means in our hands, through which we can peaceably and honorably effect our object. For ourselves, we are firmly resolved not to quit the field, till our efforts shall be crowned with success. And we now call upon all, who prize the liberty of speech, the liberty of the press, the right of conscience, and the sacred rights of American citizenship, to assist us in this undertaking. [Let] us stand up and boldly and fearlessly oppose ourselves to any and every encroachment in whatever form it may appear, whether shaped in superstitious domination or civil usurpation. The public abroad have not been informed in relation to facts as they really existed in our midst, many have supposed that all was rumor, and having no organ through which to speak, our silence has been to them sufficient proof.
The facts have been far otherwise, we have watched with painful emotion the progress or events in this city, for some time past, until we were sick with the sight; injury upon injury has been repeated, insult has been added to insult till forbearance has ceased to be virtuous, and we now have the proud privilege, we have long wished for, of defending ourselves against their foul aggressions and aspersions and of informing the public of things as they really are. We intend to tell the whole tale and by all honorable means to bring to light and justice, those who have long fed and fattened upon the purse, the property, and the character of injured innocence;--yes, we will speak, and that too in thunder tones, to the ears of those who have thus ravaged and laid waste fond hopes, bright prospects, aud virtuous principles, to gratify an unhallowed ambition. We are aware of the critical position we occupy, in view of our immediate location; but we entertain no fears, our purpose is fixed and our arm is nerved for the conflict, we stand upon our rights, and we will maintain those rights, whatever may be theconsequence; let no man or set of men assail us at the peril of their lives, and we hereby give notice to all parties, that we are the last in attack, but the first and foremost in defence [sic]. We would be among the last to provoke the spirit of the public abroad unnecessarily, but we have abundant as[surance, in] case of emergency, that we shall be all there.

__________

An individual, bearing tile cognomen of Jeremiah Smith, who has evaded the officers for some time, has taken refuge in the city of Nauvoo. It appears he is a fugitive from justice for the offence of procuring four thousand dollars from the United States Treasury at the city of Washington, under false pretences [sic]. A bill of indictment was found in the District of Columbia against him, and a warrant issued for his arrest. The Marshal of Iowa Territory got intelligence of his being in this place, and procuring the necessary papers for his arrest, proceeded to this place in search of him, about three weeks ago. After making inquiry, and becoming satisfied that he was secreted in Nauvoo, under the immediate protection of the Prophet, he said to him (the Prophet,) that he was authorised [sic] to arrest the said J. Smith for an offence committed by [him] against the United States government, and wished to know where he was--to which the Prophet replied, that he knew nothing about him. The Marshal said he knew was secreted in the city, and was determined to have him; and, unless he was given up, he would have the aid of the Dragoons to find and arrest him. Joseph Smith then replied, that was not necessary; but, if the Marshal would pledge his word and honor that he should have the benefit of a city writ of Habeas Corpus, and be tried before him, he would produce the fugitive in half an hour. After some hesitancy, the Marshal agreed to do so, when the prisoner was produced in the time specified. A writ of Habeas Corpus was issued, and the prisoner taken from the Marshal and brought before the Municipal court of Nauvoo for trial. The court adjourned until thursday, the 30th ult., when he was tried, and discharged, as a matter of course. In the interval, however, application had been made to Judge Pope, of the District court of the United States for the State of Illinois, who issued his warrant, directed to the United States Marshal, who sent his deputy to make a second arrest, in case the other officer did not succeed in taking him from the city. Smith was found by the Illinois Marshal and arrested, when it became necessary for the high corporate powers of the city again to interpose their authority. The potent writ was again issued--the prisoner taken from the Marshal--a trial had, during which, the attorneys for Smith relieved themselves of an insupportable burthen of legal knowledge, which completely overwhelmed the learned court, and resulted in the trimuphant [sic] acquittal of the prisoner, with a judgment for costs against the U. States.
Now we ask if the executive and judicial authorities of Illinois deem it politic to submit to such a state of things in similar cases? Can, and will the constituted authorities of the federal government be quiescent under such circumstances, and allow the paramount laws of the Union to be set at defiance, and rendered nugatory by the action of a court, having no more than co-ordinate powers, with a common justice of the peace? If such an order of things is allowed to exist, there is every reason to believe that Nauvoo will become a sink of refuge for every offender who can carry in spoils enough to buy protection. The people of the State of Illinois will, consequently, see the necessity of repealing the charter of Nauvoo, when such abuses are practised [sic] under it; and by virtue of said chartered authoritity [sic], the right of the writ of habeas Corpus in all cases arising under the city ordinance, to give full scope to the desired jurisdiction. The city council have passed ordinances, giving the Municipal court authority to issue the writ of habeas Corpus in all cases when the prisoner is held in custody in Nauvoo, no matter whether the offender is committed in the State of Maine, or on the continent of Europe, the prisoner being in the city under arrest. It is gravely contended by the legal luminaries of Nauvoo, that the ordinances gives them jurisdiction, not only jurisdiction to try the validity of the writ, but to enquire into the merits or the case, and allow the prisoner to swear himself clear of the charges. If his own oath is not considered sufficient to satisfy the adverse party, plenty of witnesses are ready t[o] swear that he is to be believed on oath, and that is to be considered sufficient by the court to put the quietus on all foreign testimony and the discharge of the prisoner follows, as a necessary consequence.

__________

JOE. SMITH--THE PRESIDENCY.

We find in the Nauvoo Neighbor of May 29th, a lengthy letter from Joseph Smith a candidate for the Presidency on his own hook, to Henry Clay, the Whig candidate for the same office. It appears to be a new rule of tactics for two rival candidates to enter into a discussion of their respective claims to that high office, just preceding an election. Smith charges Clay with shrinking from the responsibility of promising to grant whatever the Mormons might ask, if elected to the Presidency. Smith has not been troubled with any inquiries of committees as to what measures he will recommend if elected; nevertheless he has come out boldly and volunteered his views of certain measures which he is in favor of having adopted. One is for the General Government to purchase the slaves of the south and set them free, that we can understand. Another is to pass a general uniform land law, that certainly requires the spirit of interpretation to show its meaning as no explanation accompanies it. Another which no doubt will be very congenial to the candidate's nervous system, is to open all the prison doors in the country, and set the captive free. These with some other suggestions equally as enlightened, ought to be sufficient to satisfy any man that Joseph Smith is willing that his principles shall be publicly known. If however any individual voter, who has a perfect right to know a candidates principles, should not be satisfied, he may further aid his inquiries, by a reference to the record of the grand inquest of Hancock County.
Martin Van Buren is charged with non-commitalism; Henry Clay has not been the man [to] answer frankly the question whether he would restore to the Mormons their lands in Missouri. Joseph Smith is the only candidate now before the people whose principles are fully known; let it be remembered there are documents the highest degree of evidence before the people; a committee of twenty-four, under the solemnity of their oaths, have inquired into and reported upon his claims in due form of law. Shades of Washington and Jefferson--Henry Clay the candidate of a powerful party, is now under bonds to keep the peace; Joseph Smith, the candidate of another "powerful" party has two indictments against him, one for fornication and adultery, another for perjury. Our readers can make their own comments

__________

We have received the last number of the "Warsaw Signal;" it is rich with anti-Mormon matter, both editorial and communicated. Among other things it contains a lengthy letter from J. H. Jackson, giving some items in relation to his connection with the "Mormon Prophet," as also his reasons for the same. It will be perceived that many of the most dark and damnable crimes that ever darkened human character, which have hitherto been to the public, a matter of rumor and suspicion, are now reduced to indisputable facts. We have reason to believe, from our acquaintance with Mr. Jackson, and our own observation, that the statements he makes are true; and in view of these facts, we ask, in the name of heaven, where is the safety of our lives and liberties, when placed at the disposal of such heaven daring, hell deserving, God forsaken villains. Our blood boils while we refer to these blood thirsty and murderous propensities of men, or rather demons in human shape, who, not satisfied with practising [sic] their dupes upon a credulous and superstitious people, must wreak their vengeance upon any who may dare to come in contact with them. We deplore the desperate state of things to which we are necessarily brought, but, we say to our friends, "keep cool" and the whole tale will be told. We fully believe in bringing these iniquities and enormities to light, and let the majesty of violated law, and the voice of injured innocence and contemned public opinion, speak in tones of thunder to these miscreants; but in behalf of hundreds and thousands of unoffending citizens, whose only fault is religious enthusiasm, and for the honor of our own names and reputation, let us not follow their desperado measures, and thereby dishonor ourselves in revenging our own wrongs. Let our motto be; "Last in attack, but first in defence [sic];" and the result cannot prove otherwise than honorable and satisfactory.

___________

TO CORRESPONDENTS.

In consequence of a press of other duties in preparing our first number for the press, we have not had time to examine several communications that have been forwarded for publication. We respect the motives of our friends in the interest they manifest in carrying forward the work of reform; but we wish it to be distinctly understood, that we cannot depart from the conditions set forth in the Prospectus; that is the chart by which we intend to navigate the "Expositor," carefully avoiding any thing and every thing that may tend to diminish the the [sic] interest, or tarnish tho character of its columns. We already feel that we occupy an unenviable position in view of the variety of opinions that exist, but, we stand committed as to our course, and having faithfully and fearlessly adhered to those terms, without partiality to friends, or personality to foes, we shall consider ourselves honorably discharged of duty.

_________

We offer an apology to our readers for the want of arrangement and taste in our first number on account of our materials and press not being in order; the short time we have had to get a press and materials has precluded the possibility of getting the first number out according to our wishes, and the absence of the Editor for several days preceding our first issue, renders this apology necessary. In our subsequent numbers we intend to make good the insufficiency by giving to our readers a good selection of miscellany, and an editorial of rich and interesting matter.
PROPRIETORS.

_________

CIRCUIT COURT.

The May Term of the Circuit Court of this county closed on the 30th ult. after a session of ten days. We understand a large number of cases were disposed of, none, however of a very important character. The cases wherein Joseph Smith was a party, were transferred by a change of venue, to other courts; that of A. Sympson vs. J. Smith, for false imprisonment, to Adams County; that of F. M[.] Higbee vs. Joseph Smith, for slander, and that of C. A. Foster vs. Joseph Smith, and J. W. Coolidge for false imprisonmet [sic], and that of A. Davis vs. Joseph Smith, and J. P. Green, for trespass, were all transferred to the County of McDonough. The Grand Jury found two bills against Smith, one for perjury, and another for fornication and adultery; on the first of which Smith delivered himself up for trial, but the State not being ready, material witnesses being absent, the case was deferred to the October term.

_________

The regular session of the Municipal Court of this City came off on Monday last. The cases of R. D. Foster, C. L. Higbee, and C. A. Foster, on appeals from the Mayor's Court, wherein they had each been fined in the sum of one hundred dollars, (for the very enormous offence of refusing to assist the notorious O. P. Rockwell, and his "dignity" John P. Green, in arresting a respectable and peaceable citizen, without the regular process of papers) and of A. Spencer, wherein he was fined in the same sum on a charge of assault and battery, were all taken up and gravely discussed; after the most mature deliberation, with the assistance of the ex-tinguished City Attorney, this honorable body concluded to dismiss the suit and issue a procedendo to the lower court, which was accordingly done.
The cases referred to above, afford abundant reason both for complaint and comment. We intend as soon as our time will allow, to express our views fully and freely upon this feature of Mormon usurpation; first, enact a string of ordinances contrary to reason and common sense, and then inflict the severest penalties for not observing them.

__________

We see that our friend the Neighbor, advocates the claims of Gen. Joseph Smith for the Presidency; we also see from the records of the grand Jury of Hancock Co. at their recent term, that the general is a candidate to represent the branch of the state government at Alton. We would respectfully suggest to the Neighbor, whether the two offices are not incompatible with each other.

_________

NAUVOO, June 5th, 1844.

CITIZENS OF HANCOCK COUNTY.

It is well known to all of you that the Augus. election is fast approaching, and with it comes the great and terrible conflict. It is destined to be a day pregnant with big events; for it will be the index to the future.--Should we be defeated upon that occasion, our die is cast, and our fate is sealed; but if successful, alike may Joseph Smith, Hyrum Smith, and their devoted followers, as well as their enemies, expect that justice will be meted out. The present is portentious [sic] of the great effort that is to be made upon that occasion, by Joseph for power; Hiram Smith is already in the field as a candidate for the legislature, but will you support him, that same Hyrum Smith the devoted follower and brother of Joe, who feigned a revelation from God, directing the citizens of Hancock County to vote for J. P. Hoge, in preference to Cyrus Walker, and by so doing blaspheming the name of God? Will you, gentlemen of Hancock County, support a man like that, who claims to move in a different sphere, a sphere entirely above you; one who will trifle with the things of God, and feign converse with the Divinity, for the sake of carrying an election? I will unhesitatingly assume to myself the responsibility of answering in the negative. I flatter myself you are not so depraved, and so blinded to your own interests, as to support a man totally ignorant of the laws of your country, and in every respect alienated from you and your interests.
In supporting Hyrum Smith, you, Citizens of Hancock County, are supporting Joseph Smith, for whom he (Hyrum) goes teeth and toe nails, for President of the United States. The question may arise here, in voting for Joseph Smith, for whom am I voting? You are voting for a man who contends all governments are to be put down and the one established upon its ruins. You are voting for an enemy to your government, hear Phelps to Joe in his affidavit before Judge King of Missouri:--"Have you come to the point to resist all law?" "I have," says Joe[.] You are voting for a sycophant, whose attempt for power find no parallel in history. You are voting for a man who refuses to suffer criminals to be brought to justice, but in the stead thereof, rescues them from the just demands of the law, by Habeas Corpus. You are voting for a man who stands indicted, and who is now held to bail, for the crimes of adultery and perjury; two of the gravest crimes known to our laws. Query not then for whom you are voting; it is for one of the blackest and basest scoundrels that has appeared upon the stage of human existence since the days of Nero, and Caligula.
In supporting Hyrum Smith; then are you not supporting Joseph Smith? most assuredly; pause then my countrymen, and consider cooly, calmly and deliberately, what you do? Support not that man who is spreading death, devastation and ruin throughout your happy country like a tornado. Infinite are the gradations which mark this man's attempts for power, which if not checked soon, must not only shed a deleterious influence on the face of this county, but on the face of the adjoining counties. He is already proudly boasting that he is beyond your reach; and I regret to think I am under the painful necessity of admitting the fact. Is it not a shame and a disgrace, to think we have a man in our midst, who will defy the laws of our country; the laws which shed so gentle and nourishing an influence upon our fathers, which fostered and protected them in their old age from insult and aggression; shall we their sons, lie still and suffer Joseph Smith to light up the lamp of tyranny and oppression in our midst? God forbid, lest the departed spirits of our fathers, cry from the ground against us. Let us arise in the majesty of our strength and sweep the influence of tyrants and miscreants from the face of the land, as with the breath of heaven. The eagle that is now proudly borne to earth's remotest regions by every gale, will perch himself in the solitude of mid-night if we do not arouse from our lethargy.
It is the worst of absurdities for any individual to say their is a man in our midst who is above the reach of violated law, and not lend a helping hand; all talk and nothing more will not accomplish that for your country and your God, which the acts of Washington did. Then gentlemen organize yourselves and prepare for the dreadful conflict in August; we go with you heart and hand, in the attempt to suppress this contaminating influence which is prostrating our fairest prospects, and spreading desolation throughout our vale. Call into the field your best men under the solemn pledge to go for the unconditional repeal of the Nauvoo Charter, and you have our support; whether they be Whig or Democrat we care not; when a friend presents us with a draught of cool water, we do not stop to inquire whether it is contained in a silver vase, a golden urn or a long handled gourd. We want no base seducer, liar and perjured representative, to represent us in Springfield, but while Murrill represents Tennessee in Nashville, Munroe Edwards, New York, in Sing Sing, Br. Joseph may have the extreme goodness to represent Illinois in Alton, if his lawyers do not succeed in quashing the indictments found against him by the Grand Jurors of Hancock County, at the May term 1844.
FRANCIS M. HIGBEE.

_________

TO THE VOTERS OF HANCOCK COUNTY.

At the earnest request of a number of friends, I am induced to offer myself as a candidate for the office of Sheriff, at the ensuing August election. Should I be elected I pledge myself to perform the duties incident to the office with independence and fidelity.
JOHN M. FINCH.
Nauvoo, June 7th, 1844. -te

DR. SAMSON AVARD

DANITE LEADER TESTIMONY

Corroborated Avard's Testimony

Leland H. Gentry, BYU Studies, Vol. 14, No. 4

BYU STUDIES ROCKWOOD LETTERS

MANUSCRIPT 2

MANUSCRIPT 3

Encyclopedia of Mormonism, HISTORY OF THE CHURCH DANITES

ENCYCLOPEDIA OF MORMONISM, MISSOURI CONFLICT

MAX H. PARKIN

Doctrine and Covenants Commentary Sec. 122

HISTORY OF THE CHURCH ~ DANITE ARTICLES

COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF THE CHURCH

COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF THE CHURCH

B. H. Roberts, Comprehensive History of the Church, Vol.1, Ch.36, p.494

HISTORICAL ATLAS OF MORMONISM

BYU REGIONAL STUDIES MISSOURI

Regional Studies, Missouri, Carmack—Missouri Era, p. 2

Editors, Arnold K. Garr, Clark V. Johnson

Missouri Era: Residue of Wisdom

Elder John K. Carmack

BYU REGIONAL STUDIES MISSOURI THOMAS MARSH

Thomas B. Marsh: Reluctant Apostate

Regional Studies, Missouri

HISTORY OF THE CHURCH

UTAH ~ DANITES

ROCKWELL UTAH WAR 1857

HISTORY OF THE CHURCH ~ UTAH DANITES

Brigham's Destroying Angel:

LIFE, AND CONFESSIONS, AND STARTLING DISCLOSURES

BILL HICKMAN, THE DANITE CHIEF OF UTAH.

THE LAW INTERVIEW.

Brigham's
Destroying Angel:

LIFE, AND CONFESSIONS, AND STARTLING
DISCLOSURES

BILL HICKMAN,
THE DANITE CHIEF OF UTAH.