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Victorian Science

Thomas Huxley

In the Name of Darwin

Faith & Evolution

Panel Discussion Faith Evolution

Glossary of Evolution

 

THEORY OF EVOLUTION

 

What Is Science?

Science is a way of understanding the world, not a mountain of facts. Before anyone can truly understand scientific information, they must know how science works. Science does not prove anything absolutely -- all scientific ideas are open to revision in the light of new evidence. The process of science, therefore, involves making educated guesses (hypotheses) that are then rigorously and repeatedly tested. For a better understanding of the nature and process of science, check out these links, books, and articles.

 

http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/evolution/library/09/index.html 10/10/03

 

VICTORIAN SCIENCE IN 2004?

 

The Complete Writings of Charles Darwin

 

If the Origin of Species was 'one long argument' it was also work of extended gestation.  Darwin spent over 20 years collecting information, reading, and reflecting on the problem of species, from the time of his voyage on the Beagle (2 December 1831 - 29 October 1836) through the last difficult years just before its publication.  In a certain sense the writing of the Origin took on a life of its own.

1837 - (July) Began first notebook, 'Transmutation of Species' There stated: 'In July opened first notebook on transmutation of species. Had been greatly struck from about the previous March on character of South American fossils, and species on Galapagos Archipelago. These facts (especially latter), origin of all my views.'

1838 - (July) Reading of Thomas Malthus' 'Essay on Population.'

1842 - (May) 'Sketch of 1842' - 35 page outline (in pencil).

1844 -- (May) 'Essay of 1844' - 231 page essay (in ink).

1856 -- (May 14) Began 5 vol. work on species.

1858 --(June 18) Received paper from Wallace.

1858 -- (July 1) Published paper with Wallace.

1858 -- (July 20) Began to write a larger work, An Abstract, 'On the Origin of Species by means of Natural Selection, or the Preservation of Favoured Races in the Struggle for Life.'

1859 -- (November 24) Origin is published; 1,250 copies all sold the first day.

1860 -- (January 7) 2nd ed. - 3,000 copies.

1861 -- (April) 3rd ed. - 2,000 copies.

1866 -- (December 15) 4th ed. - 1,250 copies.

1869 -- (August 7) 5th ed - 2,000 copies.

1872 -- (February 19) 6th ed. - 3,000 copies.

http://web.clas.ufl.edu/users/rhatch/pages/02-TeachingResources/readingwriting/darwin/05-evl-org-otln.htm       10/13/03

 

Thomas Henry Huxley
a biography of Darwin's Bulldog

  Charles Darwin had little appetite for involvement in the growing controversy which he, and Alfred Russel Wallace, had initiated by making their theories known to the public to the Linnaean Society in London in June 1858. Thomas Henry Huxley was however a man of a different mettle!!! He was known to be both intellectual brilliant and also to relish intense debate and was to become remarkable as the foremost supporter in England for the theory of Evolution.

  Charles Darwin published his "Origin of Species" in November 1859 and, within days, Huxley sent a letter to Darwin regarding this work....

  I finished your book yesterday... Since I read Von Baer's Essays nine years ago no work on Natural History Science I have met with has made so great an impression on me & I do most heartily thank you for the great store of new views you have given me... As for your doctrines I am prepared to go to the Stake if requisite... I trust you will not allow yourself to be in any way disgusted or annoyed by the considerable abuse & misrepresentation which unless I greatly mistake is in store for you... And as to the curs which will bark and yelp - you must recollect that some of your friends at any rate are endowed with an amount of combativeness which (though you have often & justly rebuked it) may stand you in good stead - I am sharpening up my claws and beak in readiness.

  Huxley's first defences of Darwin's, then generally shocking, theory appeared in December of that year, Time and Life: Mr. Darwin's "Origin of Species" in Macmillan's Magazine and The Darwinian Hypothesis in The Times .

  Huxley's subsequent activities in support of the theory of Evolution included a crushingly successful championship of a "scientific" and "rationalist" viewpoint over a viewpoint of "Religion", "Faith", and "Belief", as forwarded by a Bishop Wilberforce in a famous debate held under the auspices of the British Association for the Advancement of Science at Oxford on June 30th 1860.

  During the debate, Archbishop Wilberforce ridiculed evolution and asked Huxley whether he was descended from an ape on his grandmother's side or his grandfather's. Whilst accounts vary as to exactly what happened next it seems that after giving a brilliant intellectual defence of Darwin's theory, Huxley pointedly commented, "I would rather be the offspring of two apes than be a man and afraid to face the truth."

    Huxley's lectures on organic evolution, which he gave to numerous lay and scientific audiences at various times and places from 1860 until his death, contributed greatly to the acceptance of the theory of Evolution by the scientific community and the wider public. He is even referred to by posterity as - Darwin's Bulldog. This tag may stem from his own usage of the term to describe his championship of Darwin's views.

  In 1863 Huxley published a work of his own entitled Zoological Evidences as to Man's Place in Nature which was the first work to make the yet more controversial assertion that mankind should be viewed as being a product of evolutionary processes.

http://www.age-of-the-sage.org/philosophy/huxley_darwins_bulldog.html           10/13/03

 

THOMAS HUXLEY 1860

The Origin of Species

by Thomas H. Huxley

The Darwinian hypothesis has the merit of being eminently simple and comprehensible in principle, and its essential positions may be stated in a very few words: all species have been produced by the development of varieties from common stocks; by the conversion of these, first into permanent races and then into new species, by the process of natural selection, which process is essentially identical with that artificial selection by which man has originated the races of domestic animals—the struggle for existence taking the place of man, and exerting, in the case of natural selection, that selective action which he performs in artificial selection.

The evidence brought forward by Mr. Darwin in support of this hypothesis is of three kinds. First, he endeavors to prove that species may be originated by selection; secondly, he attempts to show that natural causes are competent to exert selection; and thirdly, he tries to prove that the most remarkable and apparently anomalous phenomena exhibited by the distribution, development, and mutual relations of species, can be shown to be deducible from the general doctrine of their origin, which he propounds, combined with the known facts of geological change; and that, even if all these phenomena are not at present explicable by it, none are necessarily inconsistent with it.

There cannot be a doubt that the method of inquiry which Mr. Darwin has adopted is not only rigorously in accordance with the canons of scientific logic, but that it is the only adequate method. Critics exclusively trained in classics or in mathematics, who have never determined a scientific fact in their lives by induction from experiment or observation, prate learnedly about Mr. Darwin's method, which is not inductive enough, not Baconian enough, forsooth, for them. But even if practical acquaintance with the process of scientific investigation is denied them, they may learn, by the perusal of Mr. Mill's admirable chapter "On the Deductive Method," that there are multitudes of scientific inquiries in which the method of pure induction helps the investigator but a very little way.

"The mode of investigation," says Mr. Mill, "which, from the proved inapplicability of direct methods of observation and experiment, remains to us as the main source of the knowledge we possess, or can acquire, respecting the conditions and laws of recurrence of the more complex phenomena, is called, in its most general expression, the deductive method, and consists of three operations: the first, one of direct induction; the second, of ratiocination; and the third, of verification."

Now, the conditions which have determined the existence of species are not only exceedingly complex, but, so far as the great majority of them are concerned, are necessarily beyond our cognizance. But what Mr. Darwin has attempted to do is in exact accordance with the rule laid down by Mr. Mill; he has endeavored to determine certain great facts inductively, by observation and experiment; he has then reasoned from the data thus furnished; and lastly, he has tested the validity of his ratiocination by comparing his deductions with the observed facts of Nature. Inductively, Mr. Darwin endeavors to prove that species arise in a given way. Deductively, he desires to show that, if they arise in that way, the facts of distribution, development, classification, etc., may be accounted for, i.e. may be deduced from their mode of origin, combined with admitted changes in physical geography and climate, during an indefinite period. And this explanation, or coincidence of observed with deduced facts, is, so far as it extends, a verification of the Darwinian view.

There is no fault to be found with Mr. Darwin's method, then; but it is another question whether he has fulfilled all the conditions imposed by that method. Is it satisfactorily proved, in fact, that species may be originated by selection? that there is such a thing as natural selection? that none of the phenomena exhibited by species is inconsistent with the origin of species in this way? If these questions can be answered in the affirmative, Mr. Darwin's view steps out of the rank of hypotheses into those of proved theories; but, so long as the evidence at present adduced falls short of enforcing that affirmation, so long, to our minds, must the new doctrine be content to remain among the former—an extremely valuable, and in the highest degree probable, doctrine, indeed the only extant hypothesis which is worth anything in a scientific point of view; but still a hypothesis, and not yet the theory of species.

After much consideration, and with assuredly no bias against Mr. Darwin's views, it is our clear conviction that, as the evidence stands, it is not absolutely proven that a group of animals, having all the characters exhibited by species in Nature, has ever been originated by selection, whether artificial or natural. Groups having the morphological character of species—distinct and permanent races in fact—have been so produced over and over again; but there is no positive evidence, at present, that any group of animals has, by variation and selective breeding, given rise to another group which was, even in the least degree, infertile with the first. Mr. Darwin is perfectly aware of this weak point, and brings forward a multitude of ingenious and important arguments to diminish the force of the objection. We admit the value of these arguments to their fullest extent; nay, we will go so far as to express our belief that experiments, conducted by a skillful physiologist, would very probably obtain the desired production of mutually more or less infertile breeds from a common stock, in a comparatively few years; but still, as the case stands at present, this "little rift within the lute" is not to be disguised nor overlooked.

In the remainder of Mr. Darwin's argument our own private ingenuity has not hitherto enabled us to pick holes of any great importance; and judging by what we hear and read, other adventurers in the same field do not seem to have been much more fortunate. It has been urged, for instance, that in his chapters on the struggle for existence and on natural selection, Mr. Darwin does not so much prove that natural selection does occur, as that it must occur; but, in fact, no other sort of demonstration is attainable. A race does not attract our attention in Nature until it has, in all probability, existed for a considerable time, and then it is too late to inquire into the conditions of its origin. Again, it is said that there is no real analogy between the selection which takes place under domestication, by human influence, and any operation which can be effected by Nature, for man interferes intelligently. Reduced to its elements, this argument implies that an effect produced with trouble by an intelligent agent must, à fortiori, be more troublesome, if not impossible, to an unintelligent agent. Even putting aside the question whether Nature, acting as she does according to definite and invariable laws, can be rightly called an unintelligent agent, such a position as this is wholly untenable. Mix salt and sand, and it shall puzzle the wisest of men, with his mere natural appliances, to separate all the grains of sand from all the grains of salt; but a shower of rain will effect the same object in ten minutes. And so, while man may find it tax all his intelligence to separate any variety which arises, and to breed selectively from it, the destructive agencies incessantly at work in Nature, if they find one variety to be more soluble in circumstances than the other, will inevitably, in the long run, eliminate it.

A frequent and a just objection to the Lamarckian hypothesis of the transmutation of species is based upon the absence of transitional forms between many species. But against the Darwinian hypothesis this argument has no force. Indeed, one of the most valuable and suggestive parts of Mr. Darwin's work is that in which he proves, that the frequent absence of transitions is a necessary consequence of his doctrine, and that the stock whence two or more species have sprung, need in no respect be intermediate between these species. If any two species have arisen from a common stock in the same way as the carrier and the pouter, say, have arisen from the rock-pigeon, then the common stock of these two species need be no more intermediate between the two than the rock-pigeon is between the carrier and pouter. Clearly appreciate the force of this analogy, and all the arguments against the origin of species by selection, based on the absence of transitional forms, fall to the ground. And Mr. Darwin's position might, we think, have been even stronger than it is if he had not embarrassed himself with the aphorism, "Natura non facit saltum," which turns up so often in his pages. We believe, as we have said above, that Nature does make jumps now and then, and a recognition of the fact is of no small importance in disposing of many minor objections to the doctrine of transmutation.

But we must pause. The discussion of Mr. Darwin's arguments in detail would lead us far beyond the limits within which we proposed, at starting, to confine this article. Our object has been attained if we have given an intelligible, however brief, account of the established facts connected with species, and of the relation of the explanation of those facts offered by Mr. Darwin to the theoretical views held by his predecessors and his contemporaries, and, above all, to the requirements of scientific logic. We have ventured to point out that it does not, as yet, satisfy all those experiments; but we do not hesitate to assert that it is as superior to any preceding or contemporary hypothesis, in the extent of observational and experimental basis on which it rests, in its rigorously scientific method, and in its power of explaining biological phenomena, as was the hypothesis of Copernicus to the speculations of Ptolemy. But the planetary orbits turned out to be not quite circular after all, and, grand as was the service Copernicus rendered to science, Kepler and Newton had to come after him. What if the orbit of Darwinism should be a little too circular? What if species should offer residual phenomena, here and there, not explicable by natural selection? Twenty years hence naturalists may be in a position to say whether this is, or is not, the case; but in either event they will owe the author of "The Origin of Species" an immense debt of gratitude.

We should leave a very wrong impression on the reader's mind if we permitted him to suppose that the value of that work depends wholly on the ultimate justification of the theoretical views which it contains. On the contrary, if they were disproved tomorrow, the book would still be the best of its kind—the most compendious statement of well-sifted facts bearing on the doctrine of species that has ever appeared. The chapters on Variation, on the Struggle for Existence, on Instinct, on Hybridism, on the Imperfection of the Geological Record, on Geographical Distribution, have not only no equals, but, so far as our knowledge goes, no competitors, within the range of biological literature. And viewed as a whole, we do not believe that, since the publication of Von Baer's "Researches on Development," thirty years ago, any work has appeared calculated to exert so large an influence, not only on the future of Biology, but in extending the domination of Science over regions of thought into which she has, as yet, hardly penetrated.

 

[ Thomas H. Huxley, "The Origin of Species," from Collected Essays, vol. 2, Darwiniana, London: Macmillan, 1860, pp. 71-79;

http://www.stephenjaygould.org/library/huxley_selection.html  10/13/03

 

 

In the Name of Darwin

Dr. Daniel Kevles

Introduction

Some supporters of Darwin's theory of evolution have misapplied the biological principles of natural selection -- "survival of the fittest" -- to the social, political, and economic realms.

The idea of "social Darwinism" originated in the class stratification of England, and has often been used as a general term for any evolutionary argument about the biological basis of human differences. Drawing on social Darwinism, supporters of the 20th-century eugenics movement sought to "improve" human genetic stock, much as farmers do in agriculture.

This essay examines the history of eugenics and considers modern genetic research in the same light, so that the lessons of history are not forgotten.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Daniel J. Kevles, a historian of science and society, is the Stanley Woodward Professor of History at Yale University. He has written extensively about the social and political relations of science. His works include In the Name of Eugenics (1995), The Physicists: The History of a Scientific Community in Modern America (1995), and The Baltimore Case: A Trial of Politics, Science, and Character (2000).

ABOUT THE ESSAY

Adapted with permission of Harvard University Press from the 1995 Preface to In the Name of Eugenics, Daniel Kevles, ix-xiii. Copyright © 1995 by Daniel J. Kevles. (Boldface added.)

 

The specter of eugenics hovers over virtually all contemporary developments in human genetics. Eugenics was rooted in the social Darwinism of the late 19th century, a period in which notions of fitness, competition, and biological rationalizations of inequality were popular. At the time, a growing number of theorists introduced Darwinian analogies of "survival of the fittest" into social argument. Many social Darwinists insisted that biology was destiny, at least for the unfit, and that a broad spectrum of socially deleterious traits, ranging from "pauperism" to mental illness, resulted from heredity.

 

 

The word "eugenics" was coined in 1883 by the English scientist Francis Galton, a cousin of Charles Darwin, to promote the ideal of perfecting the human race by, as he put it, getting rid of its "undesirables" while multiplying its "desirables" -- that is, by encouraging the procreation of the social Darwinian fit and discouraging that of the unfit. In Galton's day, the science of genetics was not yet understood. Nevertheless, Darwin's theory of evolution taught that species did change as a result of natural selection, and it was well known that by artificial selection a farmer could obtain permanent breeds of plants and animals strong in particular characteristics. Galton wondered, "Could not the race of men be similarly improved?"

 

 

The Bell Curve sparks controversy

 

These anxieties are rooted in the social tensions that beset contemporary society. They were heightened by the recent renewal of assertions -- notably in The Bell Curve, Charles Murray and the late Richard J. Herrnstein's widely discussed book of 1994 -- that racial groups differ from each other in their innate mental capacities. Murray and Herrnstein reported that the principal difference lies between whites on the one side, and Latinos and, especially, blacks on the other. Blacks on average score 15 points lower than whites on IQ tests. Herrnstein and Murray concluded that therefore blacks as a group are less intelligent than whites. They held that genes place blacks, along with whites of comparable test performance, disproportionately in poverty, in prison, on the welfare rolls, and in the statistics of illegitimate births. They insisted that the high maternity rate of low-income groups is fostering "dysgenics," the increase of inadequate genes in the population.

 

 

Such claims are not new. They formed part of the core of the eugenics movement that swept through the Anglo-American world and many other countries during the first third of the 20th century. In the United States, however, the biological distinctions that mainly obsessed eugenicists were not those between whites and blacks, but those then believed to divide whites -- differences between the old-stock white, Anglo-Saxon, Protestant majority and the numerous Catholic and Jewish immigrants from Eastern and Southern Europe.

Eugenicists, who were themselves predominantly of the old majority, considered scholastic intelligence -- the kind indicated in IQ tests -- a paramount measure of human merit, ignoring other abilities such as business acumen and artistic creativity that such tests did not capture. To them, IQ tests appeared to determine that the newer immigrants were innately endowed with low intelligence, while their high birth rates seemed to indicate that they were spreading inferior genes into the population at a rapid rate. In the interest of reducing the proportion of the "less fit" in society, eugenicists in the United States helped restrict immigration from Eastern and Southern Europe. They promoted the passage of eugenic sterilization laws that disproportionately threatened lower-income groups. The laws and programs they fostered supplied a model for the Nazis, who sterilized several hundred thousand people and, brandishing their research into the genetics of individual and racial differences, claimed scientific justifications for the Holocaust.

DISTINCTIONS OF "RACE" DISCREDITED

 

The Nazi horrors discredited eugenics as a social program. Studies in social and biological science repudiated its stigmatizing theories of human difference, showing that what it took to be distinctions of race were actually those of ethnicity. In the United States, the social policies that reduced discrimination and expanded opportunity worked with the passage of time to produce their salubrious effects among the newer immigrants and their descendants, including socioeconomic improvement and, eventually, par performance on IQ tests. Between the 1930s and the 1980s, whites' scores on such tests rose some 14 points. Blacks' scores rose, too, though not as much. Still, along with the change in whites' scores, the increase indicates that test results are not rigidly fixed by genes, but are also sensitive to changes in education, opportunity, and scholastic ambition.

 

 

Blacks have resided on the American continent for the better part of four centuries; nevertheless, it is mainly since World War II -- but even more so since the 1960s -- that they have passed on their migration to freedom from a United States that was legally segregated and in countless ways racially oppressive to the contemporary nation, where, although racism continues its poisonous work, new standards of law and tolerance better protect dignity and beckon ambition. In a sense, blacks as a community have only just embarked on the journey that many white immigrant groups took several generations to complete. It is not unreasonable to conceive that, as it was for those white minorities, so it will be -- given enough time and good will -- for nonwhite minorities, including the flood of recent newcomers to the United States.

The roots of human behaviors and capacities are complicated. Attempts to probe them for the role of genes may try to allow for contemporary environmental differences, but they tend to be blind to the cultural and psychological impact of past experience. They rely on measures that fail to capture attitudes, aspirations, expectations, and, above all, social hope. In short, they can be blind to the legacy of history.

 

 

http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/evolution/darwin/nameof/page04.html            10/13/03

 

FAITH & EVOLUTION?

 

DR. MARK NOLL ~ PRESBYTERIAN VIEW

Mark Noll is professor of Christian thought in the History Department at Wheaton College, Illinois. He is the author of The Scandal of the Evangelical Mind (1995) and of A History of Christianity in the United States and Canada (1994).

Some evangelical Christians have trouble reconciling evolution and a traditional belief in God as creator and sustainer of the world, but I do not. Within the evangelical tribe, I belong to the Calvinist wing, where a long history exists of accepting that God speaks to humans through "two books" (Scripture and nature), and since there is but one author of the two books, there is in principle no real conflict possible between what humans learn from solidly grounded science and solidly grounded study of the Bible. Of course, if "evolution" is taken to mean a grand philosophical Explanation of Everything based upon Pure Chance, then I don't believe it at all. But as a scientific proposal for how species develop through natural selection, I say let the scientists who know what they are doing use their expertise and whatever theories help to find out as much as they can. On the Bible side, I do not think it is necessary to read everything in early Genesis as if it were written by a fact-checker at the New York Times. But as a persuasive basis for believing 1) that God made the original world stuff, 2) that he providentially sustains all natural processes, and 3) that he used a special act of creation (perhaps out of nothing, perhaps from apelike ancestors) to make humans in his own image, the Bible is not threatened by responsible scientific investigations.

As a historian I am impressed by words of 19th-century conservative Presbyterian, Benjamin B. Warfield: "if we condition the theory [of evolution] by allowing the constant oversight of God in the whole process, and his occasional supernatural interference for the production of new beginnings by an actual output of creative force ... we may hold to the modified theory of evolution and be Christians in the ordinary orthodox sense." These words still hold true today.

 

http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/evolution/religion/faith/statement_02.html        10/10/03

 

DR. FRANCISCO AYALA ~ ROMAN CATHOLIC VIEW

Francisco J. Ayala is professor of biological sciences and of philosophy at the University of California, Irvine. His scientific research focuses on population and evolutionary genetics; he also writes about the interface between religion and science. He is the author of several books, including Genetics and The Origin of Species (1997).

Well-informed Catholics do not see conflict between their religious beliefs and the Darwinian theory of biological evolution. In 1996, Pope John Paul II stated that the conclusions reached by scientific disciplines cannot be in contradiction with divine Revelation, then proceeded to accept the scientific conclusion that evolution is a well-established theory.

The Pope went on to point out that science deals with material reality, while questions of "moral conscience, freedom, or … of aesthetic and religious experience, fall within the competence of philosophical analysis and reflection, while theology brings out [their] ultimate meaning according to the Creator's plans."

For more than a decade, I have taught the theory of evolution to freshmen. During the early part of the course students come to me, year after year, to express their reservations based on their perceived contradiction between Christian beliefs and the theory of evolution. I treat these students with the great respect they deserve, but respond to them with two considerations very similar to the points made by John Paul II. One is that the evolution of organisms is beyond reasonable doubt, so that the theory of evolution is accepted in this respect with the same certainty that we attribute to Copernicus's heliocentric theory or the molecular composition of matter. The second consideration is that science is a very successful way of knowing, but not the only way. We acquire knowledge in many other ways, such as through literature, the arts, philosophical reflection, and religious experience. A scientific view of the world is hopelessly incomplete. Science seeks material explanations for material processes, but it has nothing definitive to say about realities beyond its scope. Once science has had its say, there remain questions of value, purpose, and meaning that are forever beyond science's domain, but belong in the realm of philosophical reflection and religious experience.

 

http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/evolution/religion/faith/statement_01.html        10/10/03

 

DR. ARTHUR PEACOCKE ~ A THEIST VIEW

Arthur Peacocke is a physical biochemist and Anglican priest who pioneered early research into the physical chemistry of DNA and has since become a leading advocate for the creative interaction between faith and science. The 2001 winner of the Templeton Prize for Progress in Religion, he is the author of Paths from Science Towards God: The End of All Our Exploring (2001).

From my scientific background as a physical biochemist who, for nearly three decades in the mid-20th century, was much involved in unravelling the relation of the double-helical structure of DNA to its solution properties, I have long had an interest in the relation of genetics to biological evolution. The sequencing of DNA and proteins in a large range of species from bacteria to Homo sapiens has now crowned the previous strong evidence for the historical interconnectedness and a common origin of all living organisms and for evolution. The role of natural selection in this process is proven dominant, though I do not exclude the possibility that other natural factors*, widely discussed at the moment, may also be operative. The whole process is entirely natural and explicable by the sciences without requiring any special, non-natural, "lures" or influences.

As a theist -- one who considers that the best explanation of the existence and lawfulness of the natural world is that it depends for its existence and inbuilt rationality on a self-existent Ultimate Reality (a Creator "God") -- I find the epic of evolution, from the "Hot Big Bang" to Homo sapiens, an illumination of how the Creator God is and has been creating. Evolution enriches our insights into the nature and purposes of the divine creation -- its fecundity, variety, its ability to manifest an increase in complexity to the point where the physical stuff of the world acquires the (holistic) capacity to be self-conscious, to think (in "mental" activity), to instantiate values and to relate to its Creator (in "spiritual" activity). I regard God as creating in, with, and through the natural as unveiled by the sciences; hence I espouse a "theistic naturalism."

*To name a few: the possible operation of self-organising principles; how the evolution of an organism can depend on its innovative behaviour; and "top-down causation" through flow of information from the environment to the organism.

 

http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/evolution/religion/faith/statement_03.html        10/10/03

 

DR. ROBERT POLLACK ~ A JEWISH VIEW

Robert Pollack is professor of biological sciences, lecturer in psychiatry at the Center for Psychoanalytic Training and Research, and director of the Center for the Study of Science and Religion at Columbia University. His latest book is The Faith of Biology and the Biology of Faith (2000).

Evolution is interesting to me because natural selection explains certain facts of life that touch on matters of meaning and purpose, and because the vision of the natural world these explanations produce is simply too terrifying and depressing to me to be borne without the emotional buffer of my own religion. This buffer is simple to describe: a Jewish understanding of our appearance by evolution through natural selection introduces an irrational certainty of meaning and purpose to a set of data that otherwise show no sign of supporting any meaning to our lives on Earth, beyond that of being numbers in a cosmic lottery with no paymaster.

I acknowledge there is a wholly consistent alternative description of the natural world and our place in it, which can lead one to exactly the actions I may wish to take or encourage others to take, all without any belief in God. Nothing is wrong with that position. It used to be my own, but as I have gotten older, I find I no longer can honestly hold to it. When I asked my teacher Rabbi Adin Steinsaltz how to respond to this criticism of my position by non-believing friends, he said, "If you know someone who says the Throne of God is empty, and lives with that, then you should cling to that person as a good, strong friend. But be careful: Almost everyone who says that, has already placed something or someone else on that Throne, usually themselves."

I find myself accepting the God of my ancestors in part because it is my way of discovering meaning and purpose without denying or distorting the data of science, and in part because otherwise I might put some person, some ideology, some dream of completed science in God's place.

http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/evolution/religion/faith/statement_04.html        10/10/03

 

PANEL DISCUSSION

MODERATOR DR. JOE LEVINE

Joe Levine, science editor for the Evolution project, earned his Ph.D. at Harvard University, where he studied the physiology and evolution of color vision. With Ken Miller, he has written widely acclaimed biology textbooks for high school and college. Since 1987, he has served as advisor to the Science Unit at WGBH, working on NOVA programs and numerous special projects.

 

 

 

Q: Several people have written that they have thoroughly studied both creation and evolution and find that both are forms of faith in that they assume events that occurred before the time of man. They both have an element of trust needed to believe that either are correct or incorrect. Please comment.

Francisco Ayala

First, the way in which the word "faith" is used by the person who poses the question is quite different in science and in religious beliefs. All scientific constructs or so-called theories are constructs of the mind. In that sense, we accept them just in terms of whatever evidence we can gather in their favor or against them. In the case of scientific theories, what we do is to formulate them in such a way that they can be used to make predictions about the states of affairs in the real world. And then we do confirm or corroborate the theories by making those observations or experiments that deal with predictions derived from the theories.

So if we have a theory, which is a construct of the mind, and we are able to corroborate it or reject it by subjecting it to verification or corroboration, as I said, we're confronting it with observations or experiments that we make. Religious faith belongs to a completely different realm of knowledge. In the case of faith, we are accepting revelation or teachings that we do not expect to corroborate in an empirical way. We corroborate them or accept them in terms of the implications they may have, the effects they may have for our own personal life and the life of other individuals.

But this is a very different kind of corroboration from what we do in science, where any experiment or observation made in favor or against a theory can, in turn, be confirmed or rejected by other individuals. That is, it is possible always to replicate the observations or to make alternate observations derived from the same theory. In the case of religious faith, we don't have this kind of experimental verification, the possibility of subjecting theories to verification by reproducible testing, the possibility of having other individuals doing the same observations for experiment.

Robert Pollack

As a scientist I would argue that, as Ronald Reagan said famously about dealing with the Soviet Union, "trust but verify." It is necessary to trust in both cases, but in the case of science it is possible to verify what one trusts is so, by the accumulation of predictions tested by experiments which generate results predicted by the model. This notion that your faith can be buttressed by evidence is the difference between science as a human enterprise, a "faith," if you will, and other faiths, which depend on equally strong certainty emerging from within, but not testable by evidence.

Now within a religion, one may say the evidence is that which stands off from nature. So a miracle is, in a sense, evidence for faith. And the singular moment of creation instantaneously is, in fact, a miraculous event outside the laws of science as we understand them. So if one has the faith that that happened, it is indeed a valid faith, but it is not testable by science. That makes the faith of creation different from the evidence for natural selection and a single, natural origin of the universe and life within it.

The reasons for the emergence of the curiosity that generates evidence in science are similar, I think, to the reasons that allow the emergence of religious faith. That is, we are a species that must give meaning to our surroundings. But these -- science and religious faith -- are different tools that generate different results because they start from different premises. No serious religious person, I think, is a believer because of the proof they have from nature; they are believers because of the certainty they have in their hearts.

Mark Noll

The question as posed is probably too simple. Most of the issues concerning origin of life, creation, evolution, have a long history that makes simple discussion in public today quite difficult. The element of faith is certainly present in both scientific endeavor related to origin and also in relationship to God and the world. But it's a different kind of faith.

I actually think, historically considered, that there is a strong theistic presupposition or theistic faith in the doing of science. When scientists believe that their minds are able to grasp some aspects of the reality of the material world, that is a kind of faith. But it's a different sort of faith than what religious believers exercise.

Our other panelists, particularly Francisco Ayala, spoke well, I think, of the different tasks of scientists and people of faith. They're not contrasting, they're not contradictory, but they're different tasks. And it's just simply appropriate to think of different inputs, different procedures, different results from scientific enterprise and from religion.

The question is a good one. It's a real one. But it's not a simple one, and I don't think simply contrasting evolutionary science and faith in the Bible or faith in traditional religion is the best way to go about solving the question or answering the question.